Sámi dieđalaš áigečála lea sámegiel máŋggafágalaš dieđalaš áigečála mii almmuha vuosttazettiin dieđalaš artihkkaliid, muhto sáhttá maiddá almmuhit girjeárvvoštallamiid ja kommentára čállosiid. Áigečállaga almmuhit Sámi allaskuvla ja UiT Norgga árktalaš universitehta Sámi dutkamiid guovddáš ovttasbarggus. Vuosttaš nummar ilmmai 1994:s.
Relatiivainfinitiiva davvisámegielas ja suomagielas
North Saami and Finnish are related to each other as can be seen in the semantic and syntactic structure of the languages. They also share a common historical background. Here I have compared the infinitival relatives in Saami and Finnish. An infinitival relative consists of a relative word and an infinitive verb. The relative word can be a relative pronoun, i.e. mii, gii in Saami and joka, kuka, mikä (’which, who, what’) in Finnish or a pronominal adverb, i.e. goas, go, gosa, gos in Saami, and jolloin, jonne, joten, milloin (’when, where’) in Finnish. The relative word is never in its basic form in my research material, because a basic form would require verb congruence: piika, jonka kanssa jutella/ biigá geainna háleštit ’maid with whom to talk’ vs. piika, joka juttelee/ biigá, gii hálešta ’maid who talks’. The infinitival relative is grammatically either a modifier of the antecedent e.g. Mus lea sadji (antecedent) gosa mannat/ Minulla on paikka (antecedent) jonne mennä ’I have a place where to go’ or an independent sentence constituent e.g. Mus lea gosa mannat/ Minulla on minne mennä ’I have (a place) where to go’. In my research material the infinitival relative can act as a modifier of a subject, an object or a predicate, and the independent sentence constituent can act as a subject or an object. When the infinitival relative is a modifier of the antecedent, it seems to be pragmatically obligatory: — čuoččuimet ráiddus vuordimin beavdegeaži, mas boradit (RPL 1994: 23) ’we stood in line waiting for the end of the table, where to eat’. The word order is constant: relative word before infinitive. An infinitival relative never begins the sentence; it always follows the predicate. The frequency of infinitival relatives is higher in Saami (n = 26) than in Finnish (n = 14). In Finnish the context of occurrence is mostly negative (10/14), whereas in Saami the frequency is equal (13/13). Finally, the infinitival relative is very similar in both languages. Mainly it carries the proposition of the sentence but sometimes also an affective meaning.
Fuomášumit sámegiela adposišuvnnaid funkšuvnnain: ovdamearkan alde– ja ala-postposišuvnnaid ii-lokála geavaheapmi
The article presents a survey of the syntax and semantics of the postpositions alde ’on’ and ala ’onto’ in North Saami. In previous descriptions of Saami adpositions, the main focus has always been on the concrete spatial meanings of the adpositional phrases. However, a significant part of the actual usage of the adpositions has various other syntactic and semantic functions that have been taken into account only occasionally. The diversity of the functions of adpositional phrases in North Saami is demonstrated by examining the usage of the prototypically spatial postpositions alde and ala. Based on extensive data from the literary language, it is shown that as many as one-third of the occurrences of alde and ala are more or less non-prototypical, i.e. they do not have a purely spatial meaning. In addition to certain fully opaque phrases, the postpositions may be used in various non-spatial expressions such as lihtera ala [liter.GEN «onto»] ’per liter’ or buot ilgadisvuođaid ala [all hardship.PL.GEN «onto»] ’in addition to all the hardships’. Not infrequently, adpositional phrases function as obligatory complements of certain verbs and adjectives; ala, for example, is used especially with verbs expressing negative emotions, e.g. váidalit mu joavkku ala [complain.INF I.GEN team.GEN «onto»] ’to complain about my team’, whereas alde may be used especially with cognitive verbs with a reciprocal meaning (and often with a negative connotation), e.g. riidalit luopmániid alde [quarrel.INF cloudberry.PL.GEN «on»] ’to quarrel over cloudberries’. Furthermore, the complement of an adposition may be not only a noun but also a finite or non-finite clause; such constructions are commonly used as propositional complements, e.g. Son bargá dan ala ahte buorida/buoridit eallimis [s/he work.3SG it.GEN «onto» that make.better.3SG/make.better.INF life.ACC.3SG] ’s/he works on making his/her life better’.
Davvisámegiela –nláhkai ~ –nládje -suffiksála ii-finihtta vearbaráhkadusat
The article is a description of a previously underdescribed non-finite verb form in North Saami. From a diachronic point of view, the formation in –nláhkai ~ -nládje consists of a shortened variant of the verbal noun followed by the adverb or postposition láhkai ~ ládje ’in the manner of’. However, with reference to the morphological, syntactic and semantic properties of -nláhkai ~ -nládje it is asserted that a new, independent non-finite has branched away from an otherwise noun-like use of the verbal noun. Based on extensive data from the contemporary literary North Saami, it is maintained that the non-finite in -nláhkai ~ -nládje is used in three distinct functions: Most commonly, it is used in the function labeled «predicative» in the article, i.e. in clauses like Filbma lea oastinláhkai DVD-skearrun [film be.3SG buy.nláhkai DVD-disc.ESS] ’the film can be bought («is buyable») in DVD’ or Son bajidii niibbi čuggenládje [s/he raise.PAST.3SG knife.ACC stab. nládje] ’s/he raised the knife ready to stab’ where the non-finite appears to describe the action denoted by the verb as having a modal meaning of possibility, although other dynamic modal interpretations are also possible. Secondly, the non-finite may be used as an adverbial modifier of manner, e.g. Govvadáidda oahpahuvvo stoahkanláhkai [visual.arts teach.PASS.3SG play.nláhkai] ’the visual arts are taught through playing’. Thirdly, one can occasionally come across sentences where the non-finite in -nláhkai ~ -nládje is used as a participle-like modifier of a noun, e.g. jahkásaččat juohkinláhkai bálkkášupmi [yearly give.away.nláhkai prize] ’a prize that is awarded every year’.
Sámi historjjálaš riektevuogádagat – muhtun fuopmášumit
The East- or Skoltsami societies had an ancient internal Sami court system, which existed until the beginning of the twentieth century. Although there is little empirical evidence, it is likely to assume that such Sami legal systems have existed in other Sami areas, as well. The final border between Norway and Sweden (Finland), affecting large Sami areas, was drawn in 1751. To safeguard the future of the «Saami Nation», the involved states made an addition to the border-treaty itself, by which the rights of the Samis were confirmed – the Lapp Codicil. There an internal Sami legal system, including its own Sami court was reaffirmed or established. In certain areas the court was a court of first instance. It had the competence to judge and execute the judgements, if not appealed, even across the border. The principle was that Samis should judge Samis – a principle which was also applied in the official courts of first instance. When a Sami from Sweden was charged in Norway, for example, two of his fellow Samis should take seats in the court in Norway, and vice versa. This article also indicates that until 1809 the measures in the Lapp Codicil concerning. Sami legal rights on the Norwegian-Finnish border and, between 1751 and 1852, on the northernmost part of the Norwegian-Swedish border were respected by the authorities on both sides.
Ebmos nissonolmmoš dárbbaša hámálaš gahpira – ládjogahpiriid hámit ja hearvvat 1800-logu álggus.
In this article I discuss the use of the ládjogahpir as being a part of women’s body decoration in the beginning of the 19th Century. For women who work with duodji (Sami applied art), clothing design has always been important and is an area where women can demonstrate their technical and aesthetic skills. It is possible to talk about at least two main shapes of ládjogahpir and the question is if these shapes are related to two different periods, one being the early 19th Century and the other being the late 19th Century. Available written sources are rather vague and as a result, I utilise a variety of different approaches to approach the issue, including an examination of museum artifacts from the begining of the 20th Century. In my article, I examine what the words ládjogahpir and čoarvegahpir mean and through this investigation, you can arrive at some explanations regarding the shape and decoration of the ládjogahpir. I use some examples from the Norsk folkemuseum collection to show the variety of headdress designs. Many 19th Century explorers remarked upon the headdresses and I discuss their observations. Finally, I refer to the artworks of several European artists from this time and I discuss their images, which may represent «the truth» or may represent the artist’s interpretation.
In the academic world, the recent focus within indigenous issues has been related to indigenous methodologies, indigenous epistemologies and intellectual self-determination. In this article, I aim to demonstrate the consequences of the Norwegian state’s colonial rule, as it appears in the sea Sami political protest song Sámit. This song reveals a strong critique of the Norwegian authorities’ assimilation policies towards the Sami people at the beginning of the 20th Century, a process sometimes known as Norwegianisation. I aim to read the text using an indigenous perspective, within the framework of a postcolonial discourse. The dichotomy sámi álbmot – vašálaš (Sami people – enemy) plays an important role in the lyrics. The enemy in this context refers to two distinct groups – the Norwegian authorities and the Sami who are “asleep” and do not take care of their own culture and language or fight for their rights. The title of the article refers to a Sami proverb and the meaning is that you have to adjust to the ways of your new country and be sensitive to the values that prevail there (Gaski 2006: 53). The song explicitly tells people to wake up and be conscious of what is actually happening to their cultural heritage. In this context, I focus on the lyrics and its importance as a weapon against the harsh effects of colonialism. The song Sámit was first published in the newspaper Lappernes Ven 1/1-1921. It was written by Erke Jovsset, a local man from Porsanger in Northern Norway. It is the only text he ever published and one must wonder why a man with such writing skills never wrote anything else. I have interviewed locals about this song and even his closest family never heard him talk about it. One possible reason is that the song is quite radical in its content and political activists at that time were considered to be unusual by local people.
Muhtin dieđafilosofalaš váttisvuođat vuođđudit earenoamáš álgoálbmotmetodologiija
A central idea of Cartesian philosophy is its theory of knowledge and the belief that epistemology is a foundational enterprise. It is epistemology that would ultimately make clear just what made knowledge claims valid and the degree of validity they could lay claim to. Validity is something we can generate for ourselves by ordering our thoughts correctly according to methods founded on epistemology. Similar ideas are formulated by defenders of a peculiar indigenous methodology in social sciences, in order to justify investigations from a culturally internal perspective. In the mean time epistemology has lost its reputation since the heyday of logical empiricism and the whole epistemological enterprise is refuted by criticism from different directions. The main arguments of philosophical hermeneutics have been integrated into social sciences after the ‘interpretative turn’, and the problem of the justification of the scientific validity of social sciences is even more precarious, and the social sciences stands in danger of collapsing into political moralizing and hollow rhetoric. As an alternative to claims on a priori epistemic superiority the validation of social sciences has to rely on practical argumentation.
Sámi báikenamat 1700-logu eanamihtideamis – árbevieruid ja riekteipmárdusa dutkanfáddán
The starting point for this article is the oldest land-surveying document (1776–1845) in the northernmost county of Norway, Finnmark. The research area is a traditional Sea Sami region in the eastern part of the fjord Álateaivuonna (Altafjorden in Norwegian) and the island Sievju (Seiland in Norwegian). The research area is called Várggonuorri, which is the name of the strait between the island and the mainland. The strait Várggonuorri is a connector, not a separator in the sense of resource use. Land was surveyed in this area between 1781 and 1783. Sami place names, especially settlement names and names of meadows, are examined in the land surveying document from the Várggonuorri area. The use of Sami place names is connected to the use of the landscape, traditional livelihoods and the division of resource areas in Sami villages. These themes also have a clear connection with Sami conceptions of justice. Hence the purpose of the article is to research Sami place names and document and verify Sami conceptions of justice. The Sami names of the meadows show clearly that Sami families in Várggonuorri area used many areas in the fjords and also on the island of Sievju as their meadow lands. Place name usage also demonstrates that it is typical in Várggonuorri to have shared meadow areas for many families that were called with one Sami name, such as Selge Riid (current spelling Sealgeriidi). Sealgeriidi was a meadow area for at least twelve families in the 1770’s. The functionality of using just one place name for many meadows can be understood as a conception of justice. The division of one meadow area was clearly regulated by traditional use connected with the knowledge of which part of the meadow areas belonged to which families. That is why there was no further need to differentiate between the names of the meadows in shared areas.
Copyright (c) 2007 Kaisa Rautio Helander
Manne eai leat mearrasámiin makkárge vuoigatvuođat mearrabivdui?
The testimony of an eyewitness at the end of the 9th century, tells about Sami fishermen and hunters on the coast of what is now the northernmost part of Norway and the Kola Peninsula in Russia. Since then, fishing and the exploitation of marine resources, has been the primary material basis of human existence and Sami culture in that area. This article presents an historical overview of the fisheries in Finnmark county in Norway, the former legal measures that prioritised the fishing activities of both Sami and others in the county and the current challenges that are facing the traditional small scale Sami fishing communities. Increasingly larger vessels combined with extremely effective fishing gear and new ways of quota allotment and their privatisation and negotiability, has for some time deprived many coastal Sami of their ancient right to fish in traditional local waters. This directly endangers coastal Sami culture. Even though Norway is at the forefront of promoting human, minority and indigenous rights, and many clarifications and reports have stated that the coastal Sami have an indigenous right to make their living from marine resources, little has been done to improve the situation. In July 2004, the Norwegian Minister for Fisheries went to so far as to deny that any such rights existed, be it on basis of customary use or on the ground of indigenousness. This major political paradox is commented on at the end of the article.
Álgogeahčastat sámegielat máná ovda- ja árramorfologiijai
In this paper, the terms premorphology and protomorphology are first defined, and then, some pre- and protomorphological word forms by a bilingual Sami- and Finnish-speaking girl aged 1;1–3;6 are discussed. Premorphology is the stage of language acquisition where the child learns word forms by imitating them and it doesn’t inflect them itself. At the protomorphological stage the child identifies morphological elements of the language and starts producing inflected word forms itself. The first nouns adopted from adult language as unanalysed chunks, appeared to be nom.sg. but in some cases gen.-akk.sg. served as the first form. In the case of verbs, the unmarked forms imp.2.p.sg. and ind.pres.3.p.sg. were the first forms used by the child. These forms have been documented as initial premorphological forms in e.g. Finnish, too. Among the main protomorphological phenomena identified in the data so far, is that the child overgeneralizes some inflectional patterns by choosing a word stem which differes from the stem in adult language (e.g. jámai ‘jámii’, cf. manai; šattii ‘šattai’, cf. bođii). In some inflectional forms, the stems without any suffixes are used as morphological wholes (e.g. oainná (= oainná-n) ‘I see’, boađá (= boađá-t) ‘you (sg.) come’). Another central phenomenon is the defective mastery of the morphophonological process called grade alternation (e.g. juhka ‘juga’, jápmii ‘jámii’, boađá ‘boahtá’).
Subjeavtta sadji ja finihtta cealkagiid struktuvra davvisámegielas
This paper deals with (some of) the functional categories within the IP complex. I assume – as is commonly assumed – that the subject is basgenerated in Spec-VP. The subject moves to Spec-FP to check agreement features in F0. The agreement features in North Sami are person and number, but not gender. The main verb moves from V to T to check tense and ends up in F0 to check agreement, if not an auxiliary (or modal) blocks the main verb from reaching the checking positions. There is a full agreement in North Sami between the (formal) subject of the finite clause and the finite verb. Negation in (North) Sami is expressed by a negative auxiliary. The negative auxiliary shows agreement with the subject but is not inflected for tense or mood, which indicates that NegP is generated between FP and TP – as in many other Finno-Ugric languages. The auxiliary (leat) is generated below TP and takes a TP as its complement. The data from North Sami suggests that the feature specifications of the first TP are associated with tense and mood and the second TP with aspect. A modal – on the other and – takes a TP headed for [-Tense] as its complement, irrespective of the position in the clause.
Eliel Lagercrantz – sámegiela dutki gii čálii giellaoahpa mearrasámegiela vuođul
Eliel Lagercrantz (1894–1973) completed his doctor’s degree in the University of Helsinki in 1927. While working on his degree, he studied for shorter periods at the universities of Hamburg, Budapest and Paris between the years 1921 and 1927. In this period, he also conducted field trips to Sami areas of Finland, Sweden and Norway. He held positions mainly at the University of Helsinki, and became professor there in 1965. He also held a position at the University of Oslo for some time. This article contains a brief presentation of Lagercrantz’ research, and also a short examination of his scientific views and perspectives. The main part of the article is a study of Lagercrantz’ grammar on the sea Sami dialect (a sub dialect of North Sami). Eliel Lagercrantz may be considered as a controversial researcher, mainly because of his scientific views, but also in his choice of methodologies. He brought a gestalt-psychological view to his language research, and used (for his time) modern, experimental methods with his informants. Although he claimed to be fascinated with the Sami languages, at times he presented quite negative and discriminating views of his informants. These views should probably be seen as a result of the general scientific perspectives of the period in which he did his research. I still think that the material he presents is valuable and deserves to be examined for example in connection with the present research of the dialects in the areas where Lagercrantz conducted his fieldwork.
For centuries, Sami have been owners of areas called «taxlands», which were territories for hunting, fishing and reindeer husbandry. The knowledge of the borderlines between tax lands was handed down from generation to generation. Bear hunting rights on the tax lands were strictly controlled and those who broke the landowners rights were tried by the district court. The importance of the bear was due to the fact that the bear was a holy animal and was the guardian of future game. In their bear ceremonies the Sami honoured the dead bear, which was usually killed in the spring when it rose from its winter lair and the spring thaw had set in, from which the Finnish words suvi and suoja originate. These words turned into Sami noa words, meaning the bear itself, the hunter or his wife etc. Detecting the background of these words makes it possible to interpret such Sami terms as suije, sueje and söiwe used in connection with ceremonies referred to in old documents. Therefore sueie, or ’a spirit of prophecy’ in a text from the 17th Century seems to have its origin in the belief in the guardian spirit of the bear. We know that the guardian spirits of animals are often transformed into the personal spirits of shamans.
Distributive clauses contain one or more distributive phrases, i.e. phrases quantified with distributive pronouns such as goabbat ‘each (of two)’, goabbáge id., guhtet ‘each (of more than two)’ and guhtege id. The quantified phrases may bind possessive suffixes as in the sentence Sii válde guhtet vuoján-is ‘Each of them took his/her driving reindeer’ the phrase sii…guhtet ‘each of them’ binds the possessive suffix -is ‘his/her’. The studied idiolects fall into at least three categories with respect to their use of distributive possessive suffixes: (A) The oldest generation uses for all persons distributive suffixes which are formally identical with the third person suffixes: Dii válddiidet guhtet vuoján-is ‘Each of you took her/his (-is PxSg3) driving reindeer’, Moai válddiime goabbat vuoján-is ‘Each of us two took his/her driving reindeer’, Sii válde guhtet vuoján-is ‘Each of them took her/his driving reindeer’; (B) The majority of idiolects in all age classes uses distributive suffixes for the third person only: Moai válddiime goabbat vuoján-eame ‘Each of us two took his/her (-is PxDu2) driving reindeer’, Sii válde guhtet vuoján-is ‘Each of them took her/his (-is PxSg3) driving reindeer’; (C) A few idiolects use no distributive suffixes: Sii válde guhtet vuoján-easet ‘Each of them took his/her (-easet PxPl3) driving reindeer’. The nature and description of binding and agreement relations is discussed together with the concepts of subject and object in the light of North Sami data. It is suggested that the nominative argument of passive verbs is syntactically rather an object than a subject; furthermore in some active sentence types the subject may be marked with the accusative ending, making it look like an object. There is no subject-object contrast in sentences of either type and hence their subjects can be marked morphologically and their objects left unmarked without loss of clarity.
Anton Hoëm: Fra noaidiens verden til forskerens. Misjon, kunnskap og modernisering i sameland 1715–2007. Oslo, Institutt for sammenlignende kulturforskning: Novus forlag. 2007. 531 s.
Sámenissonat, «árbevierru» ja veahkaválddi hámit
In indigenous communities worldwide, patriarchal ways of thinking and laws have changed traditional gender roles in many ways. Patriarchal thinking has often first made inroads to indigenous communities by means of Christianity. This article considers some of these changes in relation to Sami women in the context of individual and collective autonomy. More specifically, the article critically examines the notion of tradition, especially the ways in which it is employed to the roles and expectations of indigenous women to sometimes consciously limit women’s societal and political participation. As an example, the article discusses Sami women’s political participation in some contemporary Sami bodies such as the Norwegian Sami Parliament and argues that “tradition” can become an effective form of symbolic violence while patriarchal political discourses and practices can represent a form of structural violence. Another context where the notion of tradition is employed to often dismiss indigenous women’s concerns is violence against women and sexual violence, largely a taboo in contemporary Sami society. Particularly due to Christianity, the sexuality of women has been a major taboo in Sami society. Because of the shame surrounding sexual violence and the tendency to blame women, incidences of rape and sexual harassment have largely remained unreported. The article considers the recent incidents of sexual abuse of Sami girls and some of the public responses and reactions to them, some of which seek to explain them through Sami traditions and traditional upbringing. The article contextualizes violence in indigenous communities as a part of larger legacy of colonialism that, to a large extent, remains unexamined in Sami society. The article concludes with a brief discussion on equality, power and empowerment and points out possible directions for future research in this area.
Eurohpa ráđi guovllugielaide dahje vehádatgielaide guoski vuođđogirji ja dan mearkkašupmi sámegillii
In this article I deal with the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the results of its application on the Sami languages in Finland, Norway and Sweden. The Charter entered into force in March 1998. By the end of 2007 it had been ratified by 22 states. The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages is the only international legal instrument that exclusively addresses issues related to the protection and promotion of linguistic diversity. The main purpose of the Charter is cultural, that is to protect regional or minority languages spoken in different member states of the Council of Europe, thereby preserving the cultural wealth of our continent. First, I discuss, the purpose and principles of the Charter and then, the protection and promotion of the Sami languages, and in conclusion, the main results of its application on the Sami languages in Finland, Norway and Sweden. The article is mostly based on the reports and recommendations submitted during the monitoring cycles of the Charter of the Council of Europe. The study applies the concepts of Sámi language, minority language, linguistic rights and legal regulations. I approach the issue from the perspective of language policy, which is theoretically linked to sociolinguistics.
Sámi servodaga dutki – dieđalaš vai politihkalaš bargi?
Since the times when the Sámi started to become active actors in the field of the research of their own culture and society, questions of ethics in research have arisen especially from two perspectives. From the beginning of the 1970’s native Sámi researchers have questioned and criticized the research carried out on Sámi society. The premises and intentions of the research by non-Sámi have been challenged. On the other hand, many Sámi researchers have written about how their research, based on their insider cultural knowledge and research on their own society has been threatened by being stigmatized as biased political work. A researcher, working on the basis of and from the perspective of one’s own culture is suspected of compromising the basic principles of scientific work, the principles of truth and objectivity. Both types of criticism has been claimed to have political intentions. In this article, I argue that the same question looms behind the criticism from these opposite directions: it is a question of the unavoidable boundedness of research/ers with its/their own time, culture, language and life world. This boundedness is part of all research and is certainly not unproblematic. I discuss this boundedness in the article, not so much as a problem related to field work, family relations or membership in a local community, or as a problem related to ethnocentrism, being an outsider, and the use of power, but as an issue about philosophy of science that is inevitable in all research in humanities. The article draws on thoughts by Hans-Georg Gadamer, representative of hermeneutic philosophy of science, and the Finnish historian Jorma Kalela.
Artihkkalis mii leat guorahallan njeallje davvisámegiela adposišuvnna maid sáhttá geavahit sihke preposišuvdnan ja postposišuvdnan, nu gohčoduvvon ambiposišuvdnan: miehtá, čađa, rastá ja maŋŋel. Mii ovddidit golbma hypotesa suopmaniid, giellatypologiija ja mearkkašumi ektui. Gávdnan dihte ambiposišuvnnaid juohkáseami pre- ja postposišuvdnan, de leat analyseren cealkagiid sihke aviisa- ja čáppagirjjálašvuođateakstačoakkáldagas. Bohtosat čájehit ahte giellageavaheddjiin Suoma bealde ja nuppe dáfus Norgga ja Ruoŧa bealde lea goabbatlágan juohkáseapmi ambiposišuvnnaid geavaheamis. Leat maid erohusat das mo mearkkašumit juohkásit posišuvnna ektui, ja orru leamen giellatypologalaš korrelašuvdna ambiposišuvnnaid loguid ja daid mohkkás geavahusa gaskkas.
Copyright (c) 2012 Lene Antonsen, Laura Janda, Berit Anne Bals Baal
Artihkkala dutkančuolbman lea čielggadit ja čalmmustahttit makkár sámegielat čálamáhtolaš konteavsttat ja daidda konteavsttaide gullevaš áigeguovdilis hástalusat davimus Sámis leat giela hálliid ja čálliid vástádusaid mielde, ja mo dakkár hástalusaid sáhttá sajáidahttit ja dulkot Hornbergera guovttegielat čálamáhtu jotkkolašvuođa skálaid vehkiin. Dát dáhpáhusdutkamuš čuoččuha ahte dievaslaš sámegielat čálamáhtu juksamis leat dálá Sámis máŋggat hástalusat. Dán artihkkalis árvaluvvoge ahte guovttegielat balanserejuvvon dahje dássedettolaš čálamáhttu lea dávjá skuvllaid virggálaš mihttomearri ja ovttaskas olbmuid sávaldat Sámis, muhto gielalaš ideologiijat servodatdásis, gielladoaladumit ovttaskas olbmuid dásis ja duohtamáilmmis čađahuvvon doaimmat dahje daid váilun váikkuhit máŋgii negatiivvalaččat dasa man guvlui guovttegielat čálamáhtu jotkkolašvuođa skálat hállanit. Dutkamuša bohtosat čujuhit ahte sámegiella ii báljo oidno iige gullo eanaš sámeohppiid dábáleamos čálamáhtolaš konteavsttain astoáiggis iige skuvllasge.
guovttegielat čálamáhtu jotkkolašvuođa skálat
Ađđamiin vai jolážiin – boazosápmelaččaid bohccobiergokvalitehta árvvoštallan
Dás guorahalle máhttovuogádagaid ja doahpagiid mat gullet niestebohccui, nu movt Guovdageainnu vuorrasit boazosápmelaččat leat čilgen munnuide birgen- ja báikevuođu ságastallamiin ja maid letne viežžan čálalaš gálduin. 42 doahpaga analysa čájeha bohccobiergomáhttovuođu ja fágagiela. Muhtun doahpagat leat vuođđodoahpagat, dego buoidi, ađđamiin ja jolážiin, go boazosápmelaččat čilgejit bohccobierggu kvalitehta. Buoidi-sátni, mii lea badjel 2000 jagi boaris, vuođđuda Guovdageainnu boazosápmelaččaid bohccobiergokvalitehta árbevirolaš árvvoštallama. Boazodoalu máhttovuođus ja ipmárdusvuođus lea ollislaš ipmárdus, mii lea vuolggasadji árvvoštallat bohccobiergokvalitehta árbevirolaččat. Árvvoštallan álgá juo dievás geahčadettiin ealu ja bistá gitta dassážii go biergu šaddá biebmun ja olle njálbmái. Bohccobiergokvalitehta árvvoštallamis lea dárkilis ja systemáhtalaš máhttu ja diehtu, mii ovdanbukto máhttovuogádagaid ja doahpagiid čađa, boazodoalu fágagiela vehkiin. Dása gullet bohccobierggu kvalitehtadásit, buoidehivvodagat ja -mihtideamit ja buoiddi árvvoštallandásit golmma dimenšuvnnas; ealli boazu, bohcco gorut ja bohccobiergu biebmun. Boazosápmelaččaid bohccobiergokvalitehta árvvoštallama máhttovuogádaga, mas lea guhkesáiggi kontinuitehta ja geavaheapmi, sáhttá geavahit fuomášuhttit movt árbevirolaččat bohccobiergokvalitehta árvvoštallojuvvo ja nu buktit ođđa dieđuid almmolašvuođa digaštallamiidda.
Copyright (c) 2021 Ravdna Biret Marja E. Sara, Inger Marie Gaup Eira
Ole Heandarat – giellaprofessor ja eamiálbmot politihkar
Sámegielat álgooahpahusa gielalaš iešvuođat
This article focus on features of Sami language instruction in the first grades in Norway and Finland. The most important part of the paper is to compare instruction methods in Norway and Finland – what kind of differences exist between these countries on an ideological level with regard to language instruction. Secondly, the paper outlines the challenges of Sami language instruction in the first grades as an indigenous peoples’ language with minority language status. This presents its own differences and challenges which must be taken into account on the planning level and in practice in a working classroom. Sami language instruction occurs within a challenging environment. Student groups are more heterogenic than ever. Teachers must work within a situation which is quite different in relation to the language situa­tion in the country as a whole. The situation of the Sami language differs markedly from that of the languages of the nation states in question and there is a pressing need for more research in this area.
Copyright (c) 2011 Pigga Keskitalo, Kaarina Määttä
ČSV – sámi nationalisttaid dahje sámenašuvnna doaimmalaččaid muitun
ČSV lea beaggán sámepolitihkas fargga moadde buolvva. Dá lea vuosttaš muitalus dan birra mot ČSV ilbmadii ja mot dat geasuhišgođii earenoamážit servodatberošteaddji oasi 1970-logu sámi nuorragearddis. Dát golbma bustáva ovddiduvvoje sámepolitihkalaš doaban álggos leaikkastallamiin. Das maŋŋel ČSV-doaba ahtanušai ja doaibmagođii lihkadussan mii geasuhii sámenuoraid oktasaš doaimmaide nanusmahttit sámevuođa. Dán artihkkalis guorahalan ČSV sámepolitihkalaš ja ‑kultuvrralaš lihkadussan. Das lei iežas doaibmavuogádat gaskadásis. Dutkandieđuid lean háhkan čállagiin ja olbmuid jearahallamiin. Mus leat alddan dieđut dan áiggi sámelihkadusa nuorragearddi doaimmain. Dat leat veahkehan doarjjan dan barggu álggaheamis.
Copyright (c) 2013 Johan Klemet Hætta Kalstad
Lean guorahallan davvisámegiel teavsttaid, maid lean viežžan interneahtas Norggas ja Suomas, oaidnin dihte mo čállit hálddašit čállingiela ja mat leat dábáleamos čállinmeattáhusat. Dutkanmateriálas 4 % sániin eai leat čállojuvvon norpma mielde, ja analysa čájeha ahte ii leat doarvái dušše máhttit iežas dadjama ja čállingiela njuolgga oktavuođa, muhto eksplisihtta grammatihkkamáhttu lea maiddái dárbbašlaš. Stuorimus čuolmmat leat earuhit čállingiela a ja á ja čállit konsonántaguovddáža riekta, ja erenoamážit sániin, main lea i-mátta, bohciidit váttisvuođat sojahangehčosiin. Čálli dárbbaša maiddái diehtit mo heivehit loatnasániid ja lasihit kásusgehčosiid initiálaoanádusaide ja loguide. Sátnedárkkistanprográmma fuomášuhttá 78 % čállinmeattáhusain, ja 82 %:s dain dáhpáhusain prográmma fállá čállái rivttes čállinhámi.
Diehtobádji Sámis – geahččaleapmi ovddidit sámi fágaolbmuid kulturgealbbu
Leat iskan mo riikkaidgaskasaččat geahččaluvvon skuvlenmálle, man gohčodit diehtobargobádjin, sáhttá ávkkástallat go geahččala ovddidit sosiálabargiid ja eará fágabargiid kultuvrralaš máhtu dahjege kulturgealbbu. Diehtobargobáji guovddáš ulbmilin lea geahččaladdat sierralágan bargovugiid, maiguin vigget fidnet sániid fágabargiid jávohis vásáhus- ja kulturmáhttui. Go jávohis kulturmáhtu birra sáhttá hállat, de dan sáhttá maiddái atnit ávkin fágalaš barggus. Dát bargovuohki heive earenoamážit daidda fágabargiide, geat barget olbmuiguin. Prošeakta Diehtobádji Sámis geahččaluvvui jagiid 2009–2010 Finnmárkkus. Leat čállán dán artihkkala Diehtobádji Sámis -prošeavtta vásáhusaid ja bohtosiid birra, daningo mii háliidit leat mielde ovddideame profešuvnnalaš fágalaš barggu sámi servodagas.
Copyright (c) 2014 Else Målfrid Boine, Inger Helen Erstad, Anni-Siiri Länsman, Merete Saus
Norgga sámepolitihkka 1970-logus – ođastemiin nanosmahttit sámevuođa
1970-logus ledje earenoamáš dáhpáhusat sámepolitihkas, ja lei čalbmáičuohcci movt sámelihkadusa nuorra buolva áŋggirdii hábmet politihka sámevuođa nannema várás. Kultuvrralaš ođasmahttin lei gaskaoapmin ja sámeorganisašuvnnat ledje politihkalaš bádjin. Kulturprográmmas 1971 ledje sámi vuoigatvuođat vuosttaš geardde navdon álgoálbmotgažaldahkan. Dán artihkkala fáddán lea Norgga sámepolitihka hábmen 1970-logus. Ulbmilin lea háhkat ođđa máhtu Norgga sámepolitihka doaibmilis áigodagas, ja dan gohččodan servodatperspektiivan. Norgga guovddášhálddahusa korporatisma lei rahpame geainnu sámeorganisašuvnnaid ovddasteddjiide riikka mearridanvuogádahkii. Jagi 1979 loahpas muhtumat Álttá-akšuvnnas manne Osloi vuostálastit eiseválddiid dulvadanplánaid ja čađahit nealgudanakšuvnna. Sin akšuvdna váikkuhii earenoamážit álbmoga ektui ja dan ahte eiseválddit doapmagohte čađahit ođđa sámepolitihka.
Copyright (c) 2012 Johan Klemet Hætta Kalstad
Jon Todal: Samisk språk i Svahken Sijte. Sørsamisk vitalisering gjennom barnehage og skule. Dieđut nr. 1/2007. Guovdageaidnu: Sámi Instituhtta. 2007. 177 s.