THE GRAMMATICAL PROPERTIES OF SINCE

In this paper, I compare the grammatical properties of English since PPs, which have been analysed as perfect-level adverbials (Iatridou et al. 2001), with Catalan des de PPs. I argue against the claim that prepositions like since are ambiguous between a universal and an existential interpretation and show that an analysis based on the grammatical restrictions imposed by the temporal path denoted by des de or since determine the available readings of PrP sentences modified by desde or since. Keywords. Present perfect, since, universal, existential RESUMEN. En este artículo, comparo las propiedades gramaticales del complemento introducido por la preposición since en inglés, el cual ha estado analizado como un complemento adverbial del perfecto (Iatridou et al. 2001), con el complemento temporal encabezado por des de en catalán. Argumento en contra de la idea que el pretérito perfecto compuesto o las preposiciones como since son ambiguas entre una interpretación universal y existencial. Demuestro que un análisis basado en las restricciones gramaticales impuestas por la trayectoria temporal denotada por des de y since determina las lecturas de las oraciones de perfecto modificadas por este tipo de complementos en ambas lenguas. Palabras clave. Pretérito perfecto compuesto, desde, universal, existencial 1. Introduction There are three readings that have been traditionally posited in the literature on the perfect (Comrie 1976): the universal, the existential and the resultative. These readings are also available in Catalan, i.e., there are instances of an extistential, see (1a), a universal, see (1b), and a resultative reading, see (1c) (examples from Pérez Saldanya 2002: 2590-2591). (1) a. En Pere ha estat a Chicago. the Pere have.3sg been to Chicago ‘Peter has been to Chicago.’ b. Sempre hem viscut en aquest poble. always have.1pl lived in this town ‘We have always lived in this town.’ c. En Pere se n’ ha anat a Chicago. the Pere refl cl have.3sg gone to Chicago ‘Pere has gone to Chicago.’ *	  I would like to thank Olga Borik and Josep Maria Brucart for insightful comments and suggestions. I also thank Gerhard Schaden for kindly helping me with the data. I would also like to thank the reviewers for proofreading the final version of this paper and for giving useful comments. All remaning errors are mine. This work has been supported by the pre-doctoral grant FI-DGR 2011, awarded by the Catalan Government, and by the subproject FFI2011.29440.C03.01 “La estructura de la periferia oracional” directed by Ma Lluïsa Hernanz and funded by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and


Introduction
There are three readings that have been traditionally posited in the literature on the perfect (Comrie 1976): the universal, the existential and the resultative.These readings are also available in Catalan, i.e., there are instances of an extistential, see (1a), a universal, see (1b), and a resultative reading, see (1c) (examples from Pérez Saldanya 2002: 2590-2591).
(1) a. En Pere ha estat a Chicago.the Pere have.3sgbeen to Chicago 'Peter has been to Chicago.' b.Sempre hem viscut en aquest poble.always have.1pllived in this town 'We have always lived in this town.'c.En Pere se n' ha anat a Chicago.the Pere refl cl have.3sggone to Chicago 'Pere has gone to Chicago.' Catalan has also another reading which English does not have, i.e., the so-called hodiernal1 reading (see Curell 1990Curell , 2002Curell , 2003;;Curell & Coll 2007;Giorgi & Pianesi 1997;among others), cf. (2a) (from Pérez Saldanya 2002: 2593) and (2b). 2   (2) a. Hem anat al mercat avui a les deu.have.1plgone to.the market today in the ten 'We went to the market today at ten.' b. *We have gone to the market today at ten.This paper focuses on universal and existential readings of PrP sentences, in particular, on PrP sentences modified by since PPs.I investigate whether the different components of the since Prepositional Phrase (PP), the prototypical perfect time adverbial in English, contributes to the availability of the existential or universal reading in English as well as in Catalan.The ambiguity between the universal and existential reading of the PrP of a sentence such as (3) in English has been amply discussed in the literature (example from Mittwoch 1988: 201).
(3) Sam has been in Boston since Tuesday.
The example illustrated in (3) may have a universal reading, i.e., the eventuality stretches from Tuesday up to now, or allow for an existential reading, i.e., the eventuality of being in Boston may be located at some interval between Tuesday and now.Such an existential interpretation is enforced in (4) (from Iatridou et al. 2001: 169). (4) Since 1991, I have been to Cape Cod only once, namely, in the fall of 1993.
However, as Móia (2000aMóia ( , 2001) ) points out for the case of Portuguese and their equivalents in Romange languages, and Martínez-Atienza, for the case of Spanish (2006,2010), the existential interpretation with atelic predicates available in (3) does not arise in Romance languages.Example (5) only admits a universal interpretation: 3 The existential interpretation in PrP sentences modified by des de-phrases is always enforced by numerically quantified phrases (see Móia 2000aMóia , 2001 for the case of Portuguese and other Romance languages; García Fernández 2000 and Martínez-Atienza 2006, 2010 for the case of Spanish), see ( 6).The reference time is inherent to the meaning of since in English (Hitzeman 1997b;Schaden 2005aSchaden , 2007)), but, as Schaden (2005aSchaden ( , 2007) ) points out, an explicit specification for the right boundary cannot be overtly expressed.In contrast to English, the reference time is not part of the meaning of des de PPs, which allow for an explicit right-side delimiter (e.g., fa poc 'makes little').
In the case of des de in Catalan, additional elements such as ençà 'up.to.here', the marker que 'that' or the locating phrase fa XP 'makes XP' are required to anchor the temporal interval encoded by the preposition to the utterance time: Des de PPs are also used in spatial domains in Romance languages such as Catalan and I will consider the relevant parallels between the temporal and spatial uses of des de PPs to see if the available readings are related to the type of path encoded by the preposition, see (9). ( 9) Vam caminar {des de/ * de} Tossa.aux.2pl walk from of Tossa 'We walked from Tossa.' The verbal predicate caminar 'walk' is a verb of motion that requires a directional PP as a complement.Example (9) only admits the compound preposition des de, which delimits the starting point of a spatial path that begins in Tossa.The presposition de lacks this property of delimitation and requires the explicit specification of the endpoint of the path, i.e., de Tossa a Blanes 'from XP to XP'.
The main goal of this paper is to investigate the semantic structure of since PPs and the so-called universal-existential ambiguity that arises with this PP crosslinguistically, in particular, in Catalan and in English.The grammatical properties of since PPs are known to differ across languages (see, for example, Mittwoch 1988;Móia 2000aMóia , 2001;;Iatridou et al. 2001;von Stechow 2002;Schaden 2005aSchaden , 2005bSchaden , 2007;;Martínez-Atienza 2006, 2010;Bosque & Bravo 2015, among others).I take into consideration the grammatical restrictions imposed by since and des de PPs to examine whether the available readings of PrP sentences can be derived from a single preposition (see Hitzeman 1995Hitzeman , 1997aHitzeman , 1997b;;von Fintel & Iatridou 2005;Schaden 2005aSchaden , 2005bSchaden , 2007;;Bosque & Bravo 2015).I show that a compositional account that takes into consideration some properties of paths, namely, the property of delimitation, the relation between the figure and the ground and the nature of the right boundary determine the available readings of PrP sentences modified by desde or since.
The relevant analogies between spatial and temporal uses of des de reveal that des de encodes an egressive path in the temporal domain, i.e., a delimited path which sets the starting point of a temporal interval.In contrast to Catalan, English since PPs encode a two-sided temporal interval, which includes the reference time in its meaning (Hitzeman 1997b;Schaden 2005).I show that the type of temporal path that des de and since encode has relevant consequences for universal and existential interpretations in PrP sentences.
In the first part of the paper, I describe the grammatical properties of since PPs in a variety of Germanic and Romance languages, with a special focus on English and Catalan, see §2 and §3.I consider some similarities between the temporal and spatial uses of since PPs in §4.In §5, I study the role of since PPs in PrP sentences.To conclude, §6 summarises the paper.

Grammatical properties of since
The present section examines the main cross-linguistic differences between Catalan and English to find out which is the base meaning of the preposition since.As Schaden (2005aSchaden ( , 2007) ) shows for the case of Spanish, the main differences have to do with the nature of the right boundary of the since PP and the (un)availability of the preposition to appear in spatial domains.Like in Spanish, in Catalan, the right boundary of des de is not encoded in the base meaning of the preposition, and, unlike in languages such as English and German, Catalan allows for the presence of an explicit right-side delimiter.In addition, in contrast to English, Catalan allows for spatial uses of the preposition, which delimits the starting point of a spatial path.

English since PPs
Within the temporal domain, English has since which has been analysed as a frame adverbial (Bennett & Partee 1972/78), a perfect-level adverbial (Dowty 1979;Vlach 1993;Iatridou et al. 2001; among others) or a durational adverbial (McCoard 1978).The Oxford Etymology Dictionary defines it as 'thereupon; from then till now; ago; before now'.In English, since PPs can be defined as perfect-level adverbials because they can only combine with perfect sentences as illustrated in (10) (Iatridou et al. 2001: 163), or past, future and non-finite perfects as in (11) (from Quirk et al. 1999Quirk et al. : 1017)).In colloquial American English as well as in colloquial British English, we can also find preterite sentences modified by since PPs (from Quirk et al. 1999Quirk et al. : 1016)).
(13) a.I lost ten pounds since I started swimming.
b. Since leaving home, Larry wrote to his parents just once.According to Móia (2000aMóia ( , 2001)), even though the location of telic events by since PPs is very restricted, he assumes that it is possible in some contexts as in (15) (from Móia 2000a: 313).
Moreover, the object of the preposition is restricted to localizing temporal expressions, which specify the left boundary of the perfect time interval: locating time adverbials, see (16a), time and event denoting noun phrases, see (16b), or clausal complements, see (16c).It is incompatible with numerically quantified phrases, like two days, see (17) (from Schaden 2005a: 88).
(16) a. John has been in Boston since yesterday.
b. John has been in Boston since his graduation ceremony.c. John has been in Boston since he graduated from school.(17) * John has been in Boston since two days.
Quantified temporal expressions can be used with since only in the presence of ago (i.e., since XP ago): (18) John has been in Boston since two days *(ago).
As for the right boundary of the since PP, it always stretches up to the point of reference (Schaden 2005(Schaden , 2007)), but an explicit specification for the right boundary is impossible, see (19a) (from Schaden 2005a: 91, 2007: 103) and(19b).
(19) a. John has been in Boston since Friday (*until Monday).
b. John has been in Boston since Firday (*until now).
In ( 19), the since PP specifies a time interval whose left boundary is set up on Friday and whose right boundary necessarily stretches up to the reference time, which is cotemporal with the utterance time.Since the right boundary is identified with the utterance time, an explicit specification of the right boundary like until Monday is disallowed.However, even though this preposition has a deictic anchoring, it is not possible to identify it with an overt phrase such as until now in (19b).
According to Schaden (2005Schaden ( , 2007)), the fact that the preposition encodes an interval that stretches up to the utterance time explains the reason why it cannot combine with time adverbials that refer to future, like tomorrow in (20) (from Schaden 2007: 105).
(20) * I will do sports since tomorrow.
In English, since PPs are mostly restricted to temporal uses, it is only possible to find spatial uses occasionally in sentences such as (21) (from Schaden 2007: 106).All the other, more canonical spatial uses such as spatial localizing phrases, see (22a), or numerically quantified phrases, see (22b), are ruled out.The spatial expression since Strasbourg in (21), which corresponds to an eventive interpretation (i.e., since we left Strasbourg) is the only one accepted by the preposition since.

Catalan des de PPs
In Catalan, des de PPs are complex prepositions that delimit the left boundary of a temporal interval.It can co-occur with tenses other than the perfect, see ( 23).In contrast to since, PrP sentences modified by des de PPs can combine with atelic predicates predicates, see (24a-b).As Móia (2000aMóia ( , 2001) ) for the case of Portuguese and other Romance languages and Martínez-Atienza (2006, 2010, 2014) for Spanish show, the location of telic predicates is ruled out.This is also the case in Catalan, see (24c-d).
(24) a. Ha estat malalt des de dimarts.Móia (2000aMóia ( , 2001) ) and Martínez-Atienza (2006, 2010), PrP sentences can combine with telic eventualities when they appear with indefinite phrases or numerically quantified phrases.( 25 Even though (24d) is ungrammatical, it is important to note that there are Spanish varieties, such as Mexican and Caribbean Spanish, which allow for punctual verbal predicates with desde (Kany 1945;García Fernández 2000;Bosque and Bravo 2015).According to Bosque & Bravo (2015: 6), desde el lunes 'since Monday' in (26)  The complement to des de PPs, which specifies the left boundary of the time interval, can be a localizing temporal expression: a locating time adverbial (e.g., Tuesday), a noun phrase that describes a situation (e.g., the meeting), see (27a), or a clausal complement (e.g., des que XP), see (27b The properties of the Catalan counterpart of since PPs seem to be almost the same as in English.However, unlike English since PPs, the right boundary of des deintervals is not encoded in Catalan and sentences presented in (28) allow for an explicit right-side delimiter (i.e., fins XP 'until XP').In the case of the PrP, the delimiter can refer to a time interval different from the utterance time (i.e., fins avui/aquest matí/les tres/fa poc 'until today/this morning/the three/makes little'), see ( 28).Apart from des de, there is a complex PP in Catalan d'ençà XP/de XP ençà 'of up to here XP/of XP up to here', which shares most of the relevant properties with the English since-interval.According to Solà (1999) this complex PP can only appear with the present tense or the PrP.Hence, like in the case of since PPs, the complement of the preposition specifies the left boundary of the time interval and the right boundary is set up by tense and also stretches up to the reference time, which is, in the case of the PrP or simple present, cotemporal with the utterance time.The preposition d'aleshores ençà 'of then up to here' in example (31) anaphorically refers to the left boundary (i.e., 1958) introduced in the previous sentence and, at the same time, sets the right boundary of the time interval, which is the reference time.In the context of the PrP, the reference time is cotemporal with the utterance time.
There are other temporal-aspectual markers such as que in preposed time modifiers such as des de XP que/d'ençà XP que which require the presence of the present tense or PrP: (32) Des de diumenge que plou / ha plogut.since Sunday that rain.3sg/have.3sgrained 'It has been raining since Sunday.' For the case of temporal constructions such as des de XP que, the marker que 'that' in (32), which is identified as a temporal-aspectual marker in Rigau (2000Rigau ( , 2001aRigau ( , 2001b)), anchors the PP to the utterance time.
Last but not least, Catalan des de PPs are not specialised for temporal uses, they allow for spatial arguments too, see (33).The properties of spatial uses of des de are further discussed in §4.

Summary of section 2
This subsection has presented the main properties of since PPs in English and des de PPs in Catalan.The following table summarises the results so far: (34) The properties of since PPs in Catalan and English The main differences between Catalan and English since PPs have to do with the nature of the right boundary.In Catalan, the right boundary of des de PPs is left unspecified, it can combine with different tenses, see (23), and allow for an explicit right-side delimiter, see (28a  31) and (32).These complex PPs require the use of the present tense or PrP.In the case of English, the right-side delimiter of since PPs always stretches up to the reference time, and it cannot be overtly expressed, see (28b).Moreover, unlike since PPs, which are restricted to temporal uses, des de PPs can also be used with spatial complements, cf. ( 22) and (33).

More relevant cross-linguistic data
This section provides an overview of the grammatical properties of since PPs in German and French.In German, like in English, seit PPs are specialised for temporal uses, but in German the preposition can co-occur with different tenses and allows numerically quantified phrases.In French, depuis PPs can also combine with different tenses and allow numerically quantified phrases.However, in contrast to German, the preposition can also have spatial uses and it admits the presence of an explicit right boundary.

German seit PPs
In The numerically quantified phrase in (37a) covers the whole one-hour interval through which the eventuality holds.The locating time adverbial in (37b) delimits the starting point of the seit-interval in the morning of the current day, but, in contrast to (37a), it does not necessarily assert that the eventuality holds at every subinterval of the interval encoded by seit.
However, like in the case of English, seit-adverbials have to stretch up to the time of reference and do not allow an explicit right-side delimiter (from Schaden 2007: 103): (38) ??/* Hans ist seit Freitag bis nächsten Montag in Boston.

Hans be.3sg since Friday until next
Monday in Boston 'Hans will be in Boston from Friday until next Monday'.
According to Schaden (2007: 103) Like in the case of English since PPs, the complement selected by seit in (40a) has an eventive interpretation, i.e., since we left Strasbourgh.However, temporal as well as spatial numerically quantified phrases are available in German as illustrated in (40b).The measure phrase 100 km covers the whole extension through which the subject is in silence.

Summary of section 3
This section has presented the main properties of since-intervals in German and French.The results so far are summarised in the following table : (47) The properties of since-intervals in German and in French.
The main differences between seit PPs and since PPs have to do with the tenses they can combine and with the type of argument that the preposition can take.Seit PPs can co-occur with other tenses apart from the perfect, see (35).Moreover, seit PPs can take, apart from localizing temporal expressions, numerically quantified phrases, see (37).This latter type of phrases admits spatial uses, see (40b  44), and they are also compatible with spatial arguments, see (46). 7In §4 discuss the grammatical properties of since that admit spatial uses.

Spatial uses of des de
As was introduced in §2, one of the main contrasts between since PPs in English and des de PPs in Catalan is that the latter is not specialised for temporal uses, and they can also be used in the spatial domain.I discuss the type of source path that des de and de encode in the spatial domain following Pantcheva's (2011) typology of paths.

Since PPs
As I have outlined above, English since PPs are mostly restricted to temporal uses.They only accept expressions that have an eventive interpretation (e.g., since we left Strasbourg), which is comparable to a clausal complement, see (48a) (=(21), from §2, from Schaden 2007: 106).In this context, since PPs also disallow the specification of an explicit right boundary, see (48b).
(48) a. John hasn't said a word since Strasbourg.
b. * John hasn't said a word since Strasbourg until Frankfurt.Schaden (2007) shows that the impossibility to legitimate an explicit spatial argument that specifies the right boundary in English is not straightforwardly connected to the necessity of having a deictic spatial centre (i.e., here), which would be equivalent to the reference time in the temporal domain.For instance, consider the following example provided by Schaden (2007: 108): (49) George Bush has been speaking to us since the White House.
The PP since the White House in (49) disallows a pure spatial physical use, which we would interpret as the deictic centre from which the subject is located at the utterance time, i.e., he is speaking from the White House.The only interpretation available corresponds to an eventive interpretation of the complement of since (i.e., the White House), which corresponds to a clausal phrase since we left the White House.The same applies to German.
In English, proper spatial uses of sentences such as (50) require the preposition from, which is used to encode the source of spatial trajectories and it is classified as a source preposition (see Jackendoff 1983).The Oxford Etymology Dictionary defines from as a preposition which originally meant 'forward'.Consider the following example provided in Zwarts & Winter (2000: 201): (50) The letter was sent from the office.
The preposition from in (50) specifies the starting point of the path.Zwarts & Winter (2000: 201) analyse the preposition from as a directional preposition, which is 'used to describe a change in location with respect to the reference object'.They note that there are relevant analogies between directional and locative prepositions (see Jackendoff 1983) that allow them to define the meaning of directional prepositions.The directional preposition from is connected to the locative preposition at (Jackendoff 1983;Zwarts & Winter 2000), as illustrated in the following entailment: (51) The letter was sent from the office ⇒ The letter was at the office.
The preposition from in (50) specifies the starting point of the path, and the reference object (i.e., the letter) is located at this initial point.
According to Gehrke ( 2008), the source preposition from is different from the rest of source prepositions (i.e., off, out of).She shows that this preposition needs an additional directional component to be licensed.Consider the following examples (from Gehrke 2008: 256).
b. John drove from New York to Boston.
The verbal predicate 'to drive' in (52) requires a directional PP.Gehrke ( 2008) shows that from-paths cannot license a spatial trajectory on their own as in (52a) and require other elements such as the goal phrase to Boston in (52b) to express directionality.Gehrke (2008: 256) suggests that source paths encoded by from license directional paths under certain conditions that are similar to the ones required by locative prepositions such as in, on, under or behind.Locative prepositions also require additional elements that encode directionality to license a spatial trajectory.For example, into in English is a complex preposition formed by the locative preposition in and the goal path to to encode a directional reading.
The property of delimitation is also relevant for the description of source oriented paths.Pantcheva's (2011) thesis on the decomposition of spatial paths is one of the most recent works that provides a typological classification of different types of transitional oriented source paths based on the property of delimitation.She defines from as a non-delimited coinitial path.Consider the graphic representation of a coinitial path (from Pantcheva 2011: 30).
(53) Coinitial path (i.e., from-path) ++++++---------0 1 The path represented in (53) corresponds to a prototypical transitional source path, as illustrated in (50).Graphically, 0 represents the starting point of the path and 1, its endpoint.The office in (50) is the ground (i.e., the entity from which the figure moves) and is the source of motion.The figure (i.e., the entity that moves) is the letter.Transitional source paths impose a locative condition on the starting point of the path (Pantcheva 2011), i.e., the figure is located within the ground at the starting point.The plusses (i.e., ++++) are positions in which the letter is at the office, and the minuses (i.e., -----) are positions in which the letter is not at the office.I follow Pantcheva's (2011) classification of transitional source paths to show the differences between de PPs and des de PPs in Catalan, see §4.2.

Des de PPs
In this subsection, I illustrate that the preposition des de shows the same type of restrictions in the temporal as well as in the spatial domain: (i) des de PPs allow for localizing phrases and reject numerically quantified phrases, and (ii) they also admit an explicit right boundary to delimit spatial paths.In addition to des de PPs, I show that de PPs also express the source of spatial trajectories in Catalan.The preposition de encodes origin, whereas the compound preposition des de delimits the left boundary of a path.Following Pantcheva's (2011) andRomeu's (2014) classification of source paths, I illustrate that de PPs pattern with coinitial paths like from-paths, whereas des de PPs, by contrast, encode an egressive path, which is a delimited path that fixes the initial point of the trajectory.
Although in contemporary Catalan, des is used in combination with de or que (i.e., des de or des que), Coromines in his Dictionary of Catalan Etymology (1980), notes that des, which originates from the Latin prepositions de + ex 'from + out of', could be used freely as an independent preposition in archaic Catalan, although it was mostly used in verses.This preposition is equivalent to des de, see ( 54).As in the temporal domain, both types of prepositions allow for localizing phrases and reject numerically quantified phrases, cf.(55a) and (55b).In Catalan, the source of a spatial trajectory can be expressed by the preposition de and des de.The preposition de encodes origin when it takes spatial complements, whereas des de, the onset of a spatial trajectory (Sancho Cremades 2002: 1781) As example (55a) shows, both types of source prepositions are available if the directional component of the path is encoded in the meaning of the verbal predicate.The meaning of venir 'come' expresses direction with respect to an endpoint that coincides with the speaker, and allows for both types of source prepositions.
However, de and des de are not always interchangeable.Consider the following example.
(56) Vam caminar {des de/ * de} Tossa.aux.2pl walk from of Tossa 'We walked from Tossa.' The verbal predicate caminar 'walk' is a verb of motion that takes a directional PP complement, and, hence, example (56) cannot appear with de, which encodes the origin of a spatial path, but not a direction.(56) only allows for the compound directional preposition des de 'from', which delimits the starting point of a spatial trajectory that begins in Tossa.
The PP de Tossa becomes grammatical in (57) when it combines with the PPs a XP 'to XP' or fins (a)8 'until (to)': (57) Vam caminar de Tossa fins a Blanes.aux.2pl walk of Tossa until to Blanes 'We walked from Tossa to Blanes.' The directional path in ( 58) is expressed by the addition of the goal path fins a Blanes 'until to Blanes', which can be used without the specification of the source path: (58) Vam caminar fins a Blanes.aux.2pl walk until to Blanes 'We walked to Blanes.' The directional path illustrated in ( 57) is obtained by syntactic means.The literature on the syntax of prepositions has generally assumed that PPs are internally complex (see den Dikken 2003Dikken , 2006;;Svenonius 2004; among others). 9The structure of a PP is shown below.( 59) PP spec P'

Pº DP
The minimal structure of a PP in (59) consists of a head (Pº), which takes a complement DP and can introduce an optional specifier (spec).
The syntactic analysis that I suggest for de Tossa a Blanes and de Tossa fins a Blanes is given in ( 60) and ( 61 The PP de Tossa 'of Tossa' sets the origin of a spatial trajectory and it cannot license directional paths by itself, but it can combine with other PPs, as in ( 60) and (61).In ( 60), the PP a Blanes 'to Blanes' encodes a goal path and is the head of the complex PP.The PP de Tossa 'of Tossa' is the specifier of this complex PP and cannot stand on its own, as shown in (56).In ( 61), the head is the PP fins a Blanes 'until to Blanes', which encodes the right boundary of a spatial trajectory.This head phrase combines with a specifier in (61), where the path de Tossa 'of Tossa' encodes the source of the spatial trajectory, but it can also appear without it, as shown in (58).
As was pointed out in the previous subsection for the case of from-paths, Pantcheva (2011) classifies different transitional source oriented paths on the basis of the property of delimitation.She distinguishes between non-delimited (i.e., coinitial), and delimited (i.e., egressive) transitional source oriented paths.Consider the following graphic representations given in Pantcheva (2011: 30).
(62) Types of transitional oriented source paths: Coinitial paths are non-delimited, whereas egressive paths are delimited, cf.(62a) and (62b).Graphically, both types of paths differ in the number of plusses at the starting point of the path, where the locative relationship between the figure and the ground is obtained.Coinitial paths contain a sequence of plusses reflecting positions in which the figure is located within the ground.Egressive paths, by contrast, set the start of the path at the first point where the ground is located and include just one plus.As Pantcheva (2011)  The elative case in (63a) encodes a coinitial path in which the figure (i.e., the children) moves out of the ground (i.e., school).The relation of containment between the figure and the ground is graphically represented in the positive phase of the path by a whole sequence of positive locations as in (62a).In example (63b), the egressive case corresponds to an egressive path, which delimits the starting point and indicates that the ground (i.e., Volgograd) sets the left boundary of a spatial path.This interpretation is graphically represented in (62b): the starting point involves just one point in the positive phase before the transition.
'Darja is looking from the direction of the coast.' The elative case in (64a) encodes a coinitial path in which the ground (i.e., a city) is the source of the motion, and the figure (i.e., the teachers) moves out of the ground.In (64b), by contrast, the egressive case corresponds to an egressive path in which the ground (i.e., the direction of the coast) sets the left boundary of the path, where the figure (i.e., Darja) is located.Romeu (2014: 190) shows that Spanish also uses different prepositions to encode (non)-delimited source paths: the preposition de exemplified in (65a) patterns with the coinitial path (i.e., from-path).De-paths establish a locative relation of containment between the figure and the ground, i.e., the figure is located at the ground and it moves "out of" it.In contrast, des de-paths encode the egressive type, i.e., the figure moves "from out of" the ground, cf.(65b).
(65) a. Juan cayó {de/#desde} la silla.Juan fell.down.3sg of/ from the chair 'Juan fell down from the chair.' b.Juan saltó {#de/desde} la ventana.Juan jumped.3sgof/ from the window 'Juan jumped from the window.' The locative relationship of containment between the figure and the ground is clearly expressed in (65a): the subject is sitting down on the chair and falls off this location.By contrast, the location encoded by the complement of the locative preposition in example (65b) is interpreted as the initial boundary of a trajectory and, in this context, the use of desde is more appropiate.
I suggest that the same analysis can be applied to Catalan.Consider example (56) illustrated above, where the PP headed by de encodes a containment relation between the figure (i.e., the subject) and the ground (i.e., Tossa).The path encoded by de moves the figure out of the ground, but this leads to an ungrammatical result in (56).
The predicate is a verb of motion (i.e., caminar 'walk') that requires a directional PP rather than a PP such as de Tossa, which merely indicates the source of the motion.Example ( 56) requires the source path encoded by des de 'from', which sets the initial point of a trajectory.The onset of the path is lexically encoded in the preposition des.
The PP des de locates the figure (i.e., the subject) at the ground (i.e., Tossa) and sets the limit for movement, i.e., the figure moves 'from out of' Tossa.

Summary of section 4
Section 4 has examined the relevant properties of spatial uses of (des) de-paths that set them apart from since in English.In English, since PPs are specialised for temporal uses and only admit spatial complements that have an eventive interpretation, see (48a).I have shown that since PPs contrast with from PPs in that the latter allows for proper spatial uses.The preposition from expresses directionality and encodes a coinitial source path (Pantcheva 2011).The source of a spatial path can be expressed by des de and de in Catalan.Des de has a more complex structure than its counterpart prepostion de.In addition to origin, des de also has a directional component and sets the initial boundary of a spatial path.Following Pantcheva's (2011) and Romeu's (2014) classification of source paths, I have illustrated that de PPs pattern with coinitial paths.They encode a non-delimited trajectory in which the figure establishes a relation of containment with the ground at the initial point of the path.Des de PPs, by contrast, encode a directional path, which is a delimited path that fixes the initial point of the trajectory.Empirical evidence comes from examples such as (56), which show that verbs of motion (e.g., run, walk or carry) require oriented paths, and, hence, do not combine with de PPs.With de PPs, the orientation of the path can be obtained by syntactic means, i.e, the directional PP fins a XP 'to XP' is the head of the complex PP de XP fins a XP 'from XP until to XP' in (57).In §5, I discuss whether the grammatical properties of des de-paths also hold in the temporal domain.

The present perfect and des de PPs
In this section, I study the source of the universal and existential interpretation with PrP sentences modified by since PPs, which have been prototypically analysed as perfect time span adverbials in English.I look into the ingredients of these modified PrP sentences, and I focus on the conditions imposed on the left boundary and the right boundary of since PPs in Catalan and English.

Previous attempts to derive the universal-existential ambiguity with since PPs
It has been claimed in the literature that a possible source of the universalexistential ambiguity in perfect sentences modified by since PPs could be the lexical ambiguity of since-type of adverbials (Mittwoch 1988;Vlach 1993;Iatridou et al. 2001;among others).In this subsection, I review the main claims about since in Mittwoch (1988), Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria (2002, 2004), Móia (2000aMóia ( , 2001)), Iatridou et al. (2001), von Fintel & Iatridou (2005), Martínez-Atienza (2006, 2010) and Schaden (2007).In particular, I illustrate that (i) in an existential interpretation, the time interval that specifies the left boundary does not always exclude all the set of possible intervals in which the eventuality holds, (ii) universal interpretations may arise with other tenses and the presence of other time adverbials, (iii) the initial position of the time adverbial does not always yield a universal interpretation and (iv) proposals that derive the different readings from structure and the type of modification, i.e., event time vs. reference time modification, cannot account for the properties of the time intervals asserted by the preposition since, which always have a fixed position on the timeline.McCoard (1978), Bennett & Partee (1972/78), Dowty (1979), Vlach (1993), von Stechow (1999), advocate the idea that the representation of the perfect crucially includes a temporal interval called Extended Now (XN), which begins at some point in the past and includes the utterance time.Dowty (1979:344) identifies since as an Extended Now adverbial and derives the meaning of a sentence such as (66a) in the following analysis: (66) a. John has slept since midnight. b.
The temporal adverbial midnight is placed at some time before the eventuality and the eventuality of sleeping ranges over all the subintervals of the Extended Now interval denoted by since.According to Alexiadou, Rathert & von Stechow (2003), the aspectual analysis of since shown above cannot account for examples such as (67) (from Alexiadou, Rathert, von Stechow 2003: xxxiii).
(67) I have lost my glasses three times since last month.
The predicate of losing my glasses does not hold at all subintervals of the interval asserted by since.Since licenses readings such as the one shown in (67) where the noun phrase three times multiplies the number of occurrences of the described eventuality.
Although Dowty (1979) does not posit the lexical ambiguity of since PPs, this has been claimed to be one possible source of the universal-existential ambiguity in the literature (Mittwoch 1988;Vlach 1993;Móia 2000aMóia , 2001;;Iatridou et al. 2001; among others).For instance, Mittwoch (1988: 207) argues that since has two different meanings.The first sense corresponds to a durational adverbial, which means from XP till now, and is expressed by means of a universal quantifier.The second meaning is an extended time or frame adverbial, which can be paraphrased by between XP and now, and corresponds to an existential quantifier, cf.(68a) and (68b).12(68) Sam has been in Boston since Tuesday.

a. Since ∀:
Tuesday is asserted to be part of the interval throughout which Sam is in Boston.
b. Since ∃: Tuesday is not included in the set of possible intervals at which the state of Sam's being in Boston holds.
Along similar lines, Iatridou et al.'s Perfect Time Span (PTS) theory, one the main descendants of the XN analysis, posits that since is a perfect-level adverbial that can introduce a universal or existential quantification over the PTS, yielding universal or existential perfects, respectively.The formal representation given in (68a) corresponds to a universal perfect that is derived by the universal interpretation of the since PP, which introduces a universal quantifier.In (68b), the existential quantifier is provided by the existential variant of since, yielding an existential perfect: According to Iatridou et al. (2001: 175), the temporal representation of the PrP crucially includes a PTS interval in/throughout which there is a telic/atelic eventuality. 13The Left Boundary (LB) of a PTS is set by context or adverbials.The Right Boundary (RB) is set by tense.The LB of the PTS in example (69) is specified by the time adverbial 1990, and the RB by the present tense of the auxiliary verb of the compound verbal form, which is cotemporal with the utterance time.The eventuality of being sick stretches throughout the whole PTS up to now in (69a), and, in (69b), there is an eventualty of being sick in the PTS.Móia (2000aMóia ( , 2001) ) for the case of Portuguese and other Romance languages as well as Martínez-Atienza (2006, 2010) for the case of Spanish claim that since is ambiguous between a universal and an existential interpretation.14However, Schaden (2007) argues against the lexical ambiguity of since.He takes into account the role of the complement of the preposition since to provide empirical support against the distinction of two different types of since, i.e., existential vs.  Schaden (2007: 91) shows that, in a situation in which Bruno was married in February 2000, only (70b) could be analysed as a universal since on Mittwoch (1988) and Iatridou et al.'s (2001) view.According to Mittwoch (1988) and Iatridou et al. (2001), the universal meaning of since requires the interval 2001 to be part of the interval throughout which Bruno is married as in (70b).By contrast, this is not the case in (70a), where the starting point of the interval encoded by since, which is specified by 2000, does not assert that the eventuality of being married holds throughout the whole time interval that includes 2000 (i.e., the subject is married in February 2000).However, even though there is a subinterval of 2000 that is not asserted to be part of the interval through which the eventuality holds, i.e., the month of January, the PrP sentence (70a) has a universal interpretation.
Schaden (2007) also considers French, German and Spanish since PPs.Let us consider Spanish desde PPs in present tense sentences.Schaden (2007: 91) provides the same context as in (70) and concludes that desde 2000 in (71a), like in the case of desde 2001 in (71b), allows for a universal interpretation even in the context in which there is a lapse of time of the interval asserted by 2000 which is not asserted to be part of the interval through which the eventuality of being married holds.However, I claim these differences are mainly dependent on the type of complement selected by desde or since.If this preposition selected other type of locating time adverbials such as punctual time adverbials, these differences could not be elucidated.In contrast to punctual time adverbials, which denote a moment in time, 2000 asserts a temporal interval.In (71a), desde 2000 'from 2000' encodes the starting point of the temporal trajectory that takes place at some point in the time interval denoted by 2000, it may be January or February.A universal interpretation is obtained when there is an eventuality that holds throughout a time interval that starts at some point in the temporal period denoted by 2000 and holds up to now.If desde 'from' selected las tres 'the three', for example, the eventuality would be wholly located at the starting point of the path.It is not possible to exclude a subinterval of las tres 'the three'.Schaden (2007: 91-92) also illustrates that since PPs that yield an existential reading do not necessarily exclude the interval or temporal location specified by the left boundary.The same applies to French, German and Spanish.Consider ( 72) and (73) now.According to Schaden (2007), Mittwoch's (1988) proposal that an existential since excludes last year as the set of possible intervals at which the event time holds cannot account for the sentences illustrated above.The starting point of the since PP, which is specified by last year, is included in the set of possible intervals in which the eventuality of buying four cars takes place.In the context in which the first occurrence of buying a car is located on the month of September from last year, the interval denoted by since and desde does not assert that the whole time interval last year is excluded, but only a subinterval of last year.
As shown above, I claim that the possibility of exluding or including a time interval has to do with the semantics of the locating time adverbial selected by since.In (72), the eventuality of selling a car is multiplied and it takes place four different times between the temporal period that starts el año pasado 'the year past' and now.If desde selected a punctual time adverbial such as las tres 'the three', the time adverbial would assert that the initial point of the path starts at the temporal point denoted by las tres 'the three'.An existential interpretation would be obtained regardless of the inclusion or exclusion of the first occurrence of selling a car at the starting point of the path (i.e., las tres 'the three').
Apart from since PPs, there are other time adverbials which can have both a universal and an existential reading as illustrated in (74).( 74) He was at home between 4 and 5.
According to Iatridou et al. (2001: 164), the time adverbial between 4 and 5 has two different interpretations, i.e, a universal and an existential one. 15The existential reading in (74) corresponds to a situation when the subject is at home at some time between the time interval that starts at 4 and ends up at 5. The universal is obtained when the eventuality of being at home holds throughout the whole time interval, i.e., the subject is at home between 4 and 5.
The universal/existential dichotomy observed with different type of time adverbials and positing a lexical ambiguity to all of them has the disadvantage of being uneconomical (see Hitzeman 1995Hitzeman , 1997a;;von Fintel & Iatridou 2005).Von Fintel & Iatridou (2005) follow the PTS theory and propose a more economical solution for deriving the existential and universal readings taking into account the function of the Aktionsart as shown in ( 75) and ( 76). ( 75 Imperfective aspect gives rise to a temporal relation of containment in which the eventuality forms parts of the whole temporal interval denoted by PTS (i.e., t' ⊇ t), and perfective aspect, to a temporal relation of containment in which the PTS contains an interval in which the eventuality holds (i.e., t' ⊆ t).The universal reading of ( 75) is derived as follows.There is a PTS specified by the time adverbial that starts in 1990 and reaches up to now, which is part of the potentially larger interval at which Tony lives in Cape Cod.As for the existential meaning illustrated in (76), the same PTS modified by since 1990 is claimed to contain an interval at which Tony visits Cape Cod.
Moreover, predicates that have the subinterval property also allow for an existential reading even though they are more marginal.This reading can be enforced by explicit existential operators, cf. ( 77a) and (77b) (from von Fintel & Iatridou 2005: 6).
(77) a. Tony has lived on Cape Cod since 1990.
b. Tony has lived on Cape Cod at least once since 1990.
The eventuality of living in Cape Cod in (77a) may hold at some time interval of the interval asserted by 1990.In (77), this reading is explicitly expressed by the quantificational phrase at least once.According to von Fintel & Iatridou (2005), the existential interpretation in (77a) can be obtained via (i) adding another Perfect projection on top of the subinterval predicate even if it has imperfective aspect or (ii) positing an extra layer of existential quantification analogous to at least once, which quantifies over parts of the perfect time interval.
The position of time adverbials has also been claimed to be relevant for the availability of the universal reading of the perfect.It has been claimed that PrP sentences modified by for PPs at the end of the sentence can yield universal or existential readings, whereas PrP sentences modified by for PPs only have a universal reading if the PP appears at the beginning (Dowty 1979;Mittwoch 1988;Hitzeman 1995Hitzeman , 1997aHitzeman , 1997b; among others). 16However, the correlation between the initial position of the time adverbial, and the universal reading is not absolute.Consider example (78) in English (from Iatridou et al. 2001: 167).
(78) Since 1990, I have read "The Book of Sand" five times.
Since always has a fixed position on the timeline in initial and final position.The initial time adverbial in sentence ( 78) denotes an interval that stretches up to the reference time, which is cotemporal with the utterance time.However, the event time does not necessarily hold throughout all the subintervals of the given interval asserted by since.The sentence can have an existential interpretation in which there are five occurrences of reading "The Book of Sand" that take place within a time period that starts in 1990 and holds up to now.
Some proposals in the literature try to solve the universal/existential ambiguity found in PrP sentences modified by since PPs on the basis of the type of modification, i.e., event time vs. reference time modification.This is the analysis given in Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria (2002, 2004).In their neo-Reichenbachian framework, prepositions are analysed as spatiotemporal predicates that take two arguments.For since PPs, Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria (2004: 160) show that they set the initial bound of a temporal trajectory by establishing a relation of non-central centrifugal coincidence between the event time or the reference time17 and the time denoted by the complement of the preposition.Thus, the PP in (79) can locate the event time or reference time after/from 1990.The PP since 1990 specifies the trajectory of the figure (i.e., the event time or the reference time), which begins at the ground (i.e., 1990).The syntactic structures illustrated in (79) yield different readings when the event time and the reference time do not corefer, as is the case of perfect sentences.PrP sentences modified by since PPs give rise to an existential reading of the PrP when the PP specifies the starting point of the trajectory of the event time, whereas the universal interpretation is obtained when the PP specifies the reference time (Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria 2002).However, this analysis cannot capture the meaning of since, which has a position definite reading on the timeline, i.e., it is anchored to the utterance time in PrP sentences.Since-paths in English assert a twosided time interval that includes its right boundary, which is directly related to the utterance time in PrP sentences.
Summing up, this subsection has shown that analyses based on the lexical ambiguity of since (see Mittwoch 1988;Móia 2000aMóia , 2001;;Iatridou et al. 2001;Martínez-Atienza 2006, 2010; among others) miss a generalization.A universal since as well as an existential since do not always assert the inclusion of the entire time interval, see ( 71) and ( 73), and the universal and existential reading may arise with different type of time adverbials as in (74).Moreover, there is no absolute relation between the position of the time adverbial and the universal interpretation, see (78).Thus, following Hitzeman (1995, 1997a), von Fintel & Iatridou (2005), Schaden's (2007), among others, I adopt the claim that the universal/existential ambiguity of PrP sentences cannot be due to the lexical ambiguity of time adverbials such as since PPs.I have also considered a proposal that solves the universal/existential ambiguity at the structural level, i.e., event time vs. reference time modification (Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria 2002, 2004).However, this analysis cannot fully explain the deictic component of the preposition since, which encodes a two-sided interval that stretches up to the utterance time in PrP sentences.In the following subsections, I attempt to determine the source of the universal/existential dichotomy with des de PPs in Catalan by having a closer look into the grammatical properties of the interval asserted by des de in comparison with the type of interval encoded by since and from PPs.

Universal and existential readings with des de PPs
In this section, I test the empirical consequences that the grammatical properties of des de and since PPs have for the available readings of the PrP.I make use of different grammatical properties of paths, namely, (i) the property of delimitation, (ii) the relation between the figure and the ground, and (iii) the nature of the right boundary.

The property of delimitation
The main purpose of this section is to test whether the property of delimitation of source oriented spatial paths encoded by de PPs and des de PPs in Catalan is also available in the temporal domain.I show that de PPs are cointial paths which cannot delimit the starting point of a temporal interval.By contrast, des de PPs encode egressive paths as in the spatial domain.The interval asserted by des de states an initial boundary of a temporal trajectory.In English, apart from since PPs, from PPs also license temporal trajectories.The main difference between the two is that from patterns with coinitial paths, whereas since, like in the case of des de, shares more similarities with egressive paths.
In Uralic languages such as Komi, the egressive morphological case used to encode spatial paths is also used in the temporal domain.Consider example (74) (data from Kuznetsov 2012: 385, his translation).
'...more than an hour has expired since [the moment of] going to the water'.
(81) Egressive (starting from-path) +-------------0 1 The egressive case (i.e., sjan) is attached to a word which has an eventive intepretation (i.e., petöm 'going').The egressive case in (81) sets the beginning of the interval at the moment in which the figure starts moving along the path towards the water.In the temporal domain, the egressive path encoded by the egressive morphological case refers to a moment in time and delimits the starting point of the path, i.e., it sets the figure (i.e., the expiring time eventuality) at the first point where the ground (i.e., the moment of going to the water) is located and it includes just one plus.
In §4, I illustrated that des de encodes a delimited oriented path.In contrast, de only sets up the origin.The typological classification provided by Pantcheva (2011) allows for a more fine-grained description of desde and de in Spanish (Romeu 2014), which, by hypothesis, encode different types of spatial source paths, i.e., coinitial and egressive.The same applies to Catalan, cf. ( 82) and (83) (=( 56) and ( 57), from §4, respectively).
(82) Vam caminar {des de/ * de} Tossa.aux.2pl walk from of Tossa 'We walked from Tossa.' (83) Vam caminar de Tossa fins a Blanes.aux.2pl walk of Tossa until to Blanes 'We walked from Tossa to Blanes.'In (82), des de Tossa 'from Tossa' sets the initial point of the spatial trajectory.The de-path, by contrast, is ruled out, because de Tossa 'of Tossa' only encodes origin and the locative relation of containment between the figure (i.e., the walking event) and the ground (i.e., Tossa) at the initial point of the path clashes with the directional PP required by the predicate.As example (83) shows, the path encoded by the de PP is licensed in the presence of an explicit goal phrase such as fins a XP 'until to XP'.In (83), the goal path fins a Blanes 'until to Blanes' is the head phrase of the complex prepositional construction de XP fins a XP and hosts the directional component of the path (see the syntactic structure given in ( 60)).Similar observations hold in the temporal domain: (84) a. Hem caminat de les tres *(a les cinc/ fins a les cinc).have.2plwalked of the three to the five/ until to the five Intended: 'We have walked of three *(to five).' b.Hem caminat des de les tres (a les cinc/fins a les cinc).have.2plwalked since the three to the five until to the five Intended: 'We have walked from three (until five).' As in (82), the temporal path de les tres 'of the three' in example (84a) is blocked.The preposition cannot establish a relation of inclusion between the event of walking (the figure) and the punctual time adverbial les tres 'the three' that asserts a moment in time (the ground).The PP de les tres 'of the three' in (84a) is licensed with an explicit delimiter such as a les cinc 'to the five' or fins a les cinc 'until the five', which is the head of the complex prepositional phrase de les tres a les cinc/fins a les cinc.The PP des de les tres 'from the three' in (84b) delimits the starting point and excludes its endpoint.
A temporal bound such as fins a XP 'until to XP' is optional.This example shows that the optionality of the a PP or fins (a) PP is the main empirical factor that shows that des de, in contrast to de, encodes the onset of a temporal trajectory and patterns with egressive paths, see (81).Like in the spatial domain, the preposition des de specifies the limit of a temporal trajectory, which starts at three in (84b).The graph given in (81) illustrates that the first positive portion (i.e, +) corresponds to the position in which the event of walking coincides at three, and the minuses (i.e., ----) are positions in which the walking event occurs at times other than at three.
De PPs can be found in fixed temporal expressions such as de dia 'of daytime' or de nit 'of night'.Let us consider (85).
(85) Hem caminat {*des de/ de} dia have.2plwalked from of daytime Intended: 'We have walked of daytime.'In (85), the preposition de imposes a relation of inclusion on the starting point of the path.The figure, that is, the eventuality of walking, is wholly contained within the ground (i.e., dia 'daytime') and starts moving along the path during the daytime.In contrast to the preposition de, the PP headed by des de cannot combine with this type of noun phrase.The noun phrase dia 'day' in (85) cannot be used to set up a limit of a temporal trajectory.The preposition des de would require a definite noun phrase instead (i.e., el dia que vam arribar 'the day that we arrived').
From-paths in English are also used in the temporal domain.Consider the following pair of examples in (86).
(86) a.We have been at the office from three *(until now).
b.We have been at the office since three.
From PPs encode a coinitial source path that imposes a locative relation of inclusion at the starting point of the path.However, this relation is not available in (86a) since the ground (i.e., three) refers to a moment in time and the interval encoded by the punctual time adverbial cannot contain the figure (i.e., being at the office).Like de-paths, from three in (86a) requires a PP such as until now to be licensed, which is the head of the complex prepositional phrase from XP until XP.The source path from three specifies the left boundary and until now, the right boundary of a temporal interval.Since PPs do not impose such a locative relationship between the figure and the ground, and since three in (86b) asserts the starting point of the temporal interval that refers to a moment in time.
It is important to note that from PPs can combine with noun phrases as in (87a) (from Declerck et al. 2006: 230).Since PPs can also take this type of complements, see (87b).
(87) a. From childhood, she has had a timid character.
b. Since childhood, she has had a timid character.
In (87a), the coinitial path encoded by from is licensed because the relation of inclusion between the figure (i.e., having a timid character) and the ground (i.e., childhood) holds.The eventuality of having a timid character starts moving along the path while being within the time interval denoted by childhood.According to Declerck et al. (2006), from PPs specify a time interval that starts at some time in the past and holds up to now and at the same time they indicate the duration of the event time. 18By contrast, since seems to pattern with egressive paths.The PP illustrated in (87b) asserts an interval whose figure (i.e., having a timid character) delimits the starting point of the path at the ground (i.e., childhood).The context in (88) elucidates the differences between from and since that have been outlined above.
(88) A: How long have you had a timid character?B: Since childhood./ *From childhood.
The speaker B in (88) can use only the preposition since to encode a delimited temporal path that sets the lower bound of the temporal trajectory, i.e., childhood is the temporal period that is used to delimit the starting point of the path that stretches up to now.In this context, the use of from is ruled out, i.e., its locative relation of inclusion between the figure and the ground clashes with the temporal trajectory required by the question.
This subsection has shown that there are relevant analogies between spatial and temporal uses of des de.Crucially, I have provided empirical data to support the view of analysing des de PPs as instances of egressive paths in the temporal domain: (i) des de PPs delimit the starting point of a temporal interval, (ii) in contrast to de PPs, the expression of the right boundary of the temporal trajectory is optional (i.e., a/fins a les cinc 'to/until the five'), cf.(84a) and (84b).I have also considered from PPs and shown that, in contrast to since PPs in English, they encode a cointial path, whereas the latter patterns with a type of egressive path in the temporal domain like in the case of des de, see (88).However, as I discuss in §5.2.3., the temporal path encoded by since is more complex than the egressive path illustrated in (81), because it also includes the right boundary in its denotation.In the following subsection, I further look into the locative relation between the figure and the ground of these types of paths.

The relation between the figure and the ground
As shown above, coinitial (i.e., from paths) and egressive paths (i.e., des de paths) differ with respect to the property of delimitation, which is illustrated by the portion of the path where the locative relation between the figure and the ground holds.I take into account the relation between the figure and the ground to show that only coinitial paths (i.e., from-paths), in combination with PrP sentences in English, allow for unequivocal universal readings.This reading is ensured via the locative relation of inclusion between the figure and the ground at the starting point of the path.As for since and des de PPs, they delimit the starting point of a temporal trajectory and do not impose such a relation, i.e., the figure and the ground merely coincide at the starting point of the path, so that both universal and existential readings are allowed.In des de PPs in Catalan, the existential interpretation is obtained by means of explicit quantified phrases.
From PPs license coinitial temporal paths, see (87a), which, in contrast to since PPs, impose a locative relation of inclusion between the figure and the ground.Declerck et al. (2006: 630) show that from PPs occur with the PrP and always yield a universal interpretation, see ( 89).
As Declerck et al. (2006) put it, from PPs always yield universal interpretations and do not allow for existential interpretations with an indefinite noun phrase or an explicit quantified phrase as in (90a) and (90b), respectively (from Declerck et al. 2006: 600).
b. * I've been in France exactly six times from childhood.
In Declerck et al. (2006), the unambiguous universal reading in examples ( 89) and ( 90) is connected to the non-specification of the right boundary.The temporal interval encoded by the preposition from is not bounded and the described eventuality cannot come to an end before the utterance time. 19 In this paper, the underspecification of the right boundary is necessary, but not sufficient.I claim that an unequivocal universal reading is ultimately available due to the containment relation of inclusion imposed by coinitial paths.In ( 89), the frompath asserts a temporal path in which the figure (i.e., the state of being fascinated) is contained within the ground (i.e., the subject's childhood).This relation of containment is obtained at the starting point of the path, where the figure starts moving, and holds up to now.This path was graphically represented in (62a), which is shown again in (91): (91) Coinitial (from-path) ++++-------------0 1 The locative relation between the figure and the ground is obtained at the starting point of the path where the plusses are located.The positive portions of the path are time intervals in which the figure (i.e., the state of being fascinated) is contained within the ground (i.e., the subject's childhood).By contrast, the minuses correspond to intervals in which the figure is not within the ground, i.e., the state of being fascinated is not located within the subject's childhood. 20 19 Declerck et al. (2006: 600) refers to from PPs as 'situation-unbounding' adverbials, i.e., the endpoint of the adverbial is unspecified. 20A reviewer points out that if a relation of containment between the figure and the ground holds in (83), we should be able to obtain something like the temporal structure of the imperfective.This graph +++[+++++]+++ corresponds to the imperfective aspect.The plusses represent the event time which is located within the brakets, which correspond to the reference time.This graph could represent the fact that the event time in (89) starts when the subject is a child and holds up to now.It is important to draw special attention to this point because the representation of the coinitial path in (89) is not equivalent to the imperfective structure given above.(89) shows that from-paths encode a transition.The figure is located within the period of the subject's childhood at the beginning of the temporal trajectory, but it is not located within the period of the subject's childhood at the endpoint of this path, which is identified with the utterance time in (89).I leave for further research the study of the semantics of transitions and the link between the hypothesis of the locative relation of containment of temporal paths and the imperfect.
From PPs can also be licensed in complex delimited paths being specifiers of a complex temporal trajectory, i.e., from X until Y, see (86a).This type of temporal path allows for a universal reading of the PrP in (92a).21However, in contrast to example (89), it is a two-sided interval that allows for an existential reading by means of explicit quantified phrases, see (92b) (from Declerck et al. 2006: 599).
(92) a. From the beginning of May until now I have been ill.
b. From the beginning of May until now I have been ill three times.
In (92), the PP until now is the head of the complex temporal path.It specifies the right boundary of the perfect time interval and the PP from, which is the specifier of the complex temporal path, sets the left boundary.In contrast to ( 89), the delimited nature of the complex temporal path allows for existential readings, which are enforced via the explicit presence of quantified phrases (i.e., three times).
As was shown above, des de PPs share more grammatical properties with since PPs, cf. ( 84b) and (86b).However, the right boundary of des de PPs, like from PPs, is left unspecified.Declerk et al. (2006) point out that the unspecification of the endpoint of the interval encoded by from is directly connected to the ability of universal interpretations of PrP sentences modified by from PPs, cf. ( 89) and ( 90).However, it does not suffice because des de PPs allow for universal as well as existential readings.I claim that the type of locative relation between the figure and the ground is what ultimately matters to derive the different readings.
Des de PPs encode an egressive path, i.e., they assert a delimited temporal path that sets the intial boundary of a temporal trajectory.As ( 93) shows (=(62b), from §4), an egressive path includes 0 (i.e., the starting point of the path) and excludes 1 (i.e., the endpoint of the path).In (94), the egressive path sets the left boundary of a temporal interval whose endpoint is left unspecified.The figure (i.e., the eventuality of living) is located at the ground (i.e., 2000) at the starting point of the path.This is graphically illustrated by a plus in (93).The minuses in (93) correspond to intervals in which the figure (i.e., the event time) is not in a locatie relation with the ground (i.e., 2000).
In contrast to from PPs, des de PPs lack the locative relation of inclusion between the figure and the ground, and, hence, they can enforce an existential quantification over times via the presence of quantified phrases, cf. ( 90) and ( 95 The fact that the universal/existential ambiguity does not arise with des de PPs in combination with atelic predicates has been already attested for Portuguese and other Romance languages (see Móia 2000aMóia , 2001) ) and Spanish (see Martínez-Atienza 2006, 2010).According to Martínez-Atienza (2006, 2010), desde in Spanish is a durative preposition, which allows for an existential interpretation of the PrP with the presence of an explicit indefinite phrase or a quantified phrase, see ( 96 Since PPs seem to pattern with egressive paths like des de PPs, i.e., they state the initial boundary of a temporal trajectory.However, they are prepositions that also include the endpoint of the path in its meaning, involving containment in a temporal area.This two-sided interval encoded by since allows for universal and existential interpretations, see (97) (=(1), from §1, from Mittwoch 1988: 201).
(97) Sam has been in Boston since Tuesday.
The since PP in (97) can locate the figure (i.e., the eventuality of being in Boston) at the first point where the ground is located (i.e., Tuesday), yielding a universal interpretation of the sentence.The since construction asserts a two-sided interval which also allows for an existential reading in which the figure is contained in an interval that starts on Tuesday and reaches up to now.
In this subsection, I have derived the universal and existential readings in PrP sentences modified by prepositions that encode source paths taking into account their grammatical properties.5.2.3.The nature of the right boundary As pointed out above, one of the most relevant differences between des de and since has to do with the nature of the right boundary.In this subsection, I illustrate that since has a more complex meaning.I follow Schaden's (2005aSchaden's ( , 2007) ) claim for the case of French and Spanish that depuis and desde lack the denotation of a rightdelimiter, and show that since and des de also differ due to the absence of the right boundary in the meaning of the preposition.In this subsection, I also show that the specification of the right boundary, which in the context of PrP sentences corresponds to the reference time, does not necessarily need to be coextensitve with the utterance time to obtain a universal reading of PrP sentences modified by des de.The anchoring of the eventuality to the utterance time is mainly due to the interaction of the subinterval property of the predicate and the grammatical properties of temporal adverbials.In the case of des de in Catalan, additional elements such as ençà 'up.to.here', the marker que 'that' or the locating phrase fa XP 'makes XP' ensure the anchoring of the temporal path to the utterance time.
Since PPs, in contrast to des de, assert a two-sided interval.According to Hitzeman (1997b), the reference time is part of the meaning of since.In PrP sentences, the interval asserted by since refers to a time interval that is anchored to the utterance time.As shown before, it is not possible to identify the deictic anchoring of the right boundary of since with an overt phrase as in (99) (=(19b), from §2).
(99) John has been in Boston since Friday (*until now).
The explicit presence of a right boundary is ruled out because it is already encoded in the meaning of this preposition. 22 Schaden (2005a: 91) provides the following formalization of since that corresponds to English: 23 22 According to a reviewer, it is not clear the reason why it is not possible to specify the deictic anchoring of since with an explicit temporal expression like until now.The reviewer points out that a verb such as 'fall', for example, intuitively encodes a left boundary of the movement, which can be explicitly identified with an overt phrase such as 'fall from above'.This question may also be connected to the properties of since which is restricted to temporal uses and disallows pure spatial physical ones.Schaden (2007) points out that the fact that depuis in French and desde in Spanish can have a right-delimiter different from the reference time is connected to the spatial use of the preposition.However, he does not focus on the reason why a phrase such as until now, which refers to the moment of the reference time, cannot appear with since in English.This question is still not solved and I leave it for further research. (100 According to Schaden (2005a), the preposition since encodes an interval i', which takes the interval iʹ′ʹ′ as first argument (i.e., a locating temporal phrase such as Friday in (99)) that specifies the left boundary of the interval iʹ′.The second argument taken by since is the interval i, which is the reference time and it is valued by Tense.
The hypothesis that since in English encodes an egressive path is not compatible with Schaden's (2005a) definition.As has already been mentioned, the semantics of since is more complex than des de.Since has been analysed as a perfect-level adverbial, which, apart from setting the left boundary of a temporal path, it also includes a deictic endpoint.The graphic shown below illustrates a path that includes both its intial and final boundaries, i.e., 0 and 1, and is compatible with Schaden's formalization.
(101) Since-path +------------+ 0 1 In ( 101), the locative relation between the figure and the ground is obtained at the starting point of the path (i.e., 0) as well as at the endpoint of the path (i.e., 1).The figure of a since-path is the reference time, which begins at the ground (e.g., a temporal interval such as Friday), and ends at the moment of utterance in PrP sentences.According to Móia (2000aMóia ( , 2001)), since-phrases define a 'frame for temporal location' that allows for a universal as well as an existential reading.Schaden (2007: 109) argues that the meaning of desde PPs in Spanish and depuis PPs in French do not provide any specification of a right-delimiter.24I propose that this claim can also be extended to Catalan.Then, following Schaden's formalization of the meaning of since in English, des de corresponds to the following lexical entry:25 (102) [des de] =λpλq∃iʹ′∃iʹ′ʹ′[LB (iʹ′) = iʹ′ʹ′∧p(iʹ′ʹ′)∧q(iʹ′)] The preposition des de encodes an interval i', which takes the interval iʹ′ʹ′, which is a locating temporal phrase.The right boundary is not denoted in the lexical entry of des de and is unspecified.The temporal path does not establish any relation to the reference time and it is set up by the syntacticosemantic context.This definition is compatible with the properties of the egressive path outlined above, see (93).Schaden (2007: 109)  The PrP as well as the past can be used in examples illustrated in (103).However, with PrP sentences as (103a), the perfect time interval encoded by the perfect overlaps with the reference time, i.e., the month of June overlaps with the current time unit, and locates the right boundary of the temporal path at the closest month of June before the utterance time.As for (103b), it seems that this sentence could only be accepted in a list-reading in which the subject is enumerating the events that took place between 1992 and 1995.It could be accepted as an answer to a question like Qué te ha pasado desde 1992?'What has happened to you since 1992?'.
(104) a. Ha estat a casa des de les tres fins les set.have.3sgbeen in home from the three until the seven Intended: 'He has been at home from three until seven.' b.Ha estat a Boston des de dimarts fins (ara) fa poc.

have.3sg been in Boston from
Tuesday until now makes little Intended: 'He has been in Boston since Tuesday until som time ago.' c.Hem treballat junts des del gener fins al març.have.1plworked together from.theJanuary to.theMarch Intended: 'We have worked together from April to June.' In PrP sentences, des de allows for the specification of a right boundary that refers to the closest relevant period before the utterance time, i.e., the preceding seven o'clock, a short time ago or the closest month of March, see (104a)-(104c), respectively.
However, we cannot find contexts that allow for the presence of temporal intervals that refer to a past time: The past time adverbials ahir 'yesterday' in (105a) or 2005 in (105b) specify a right boundary that precedes the present reference time and rules out the use of the PrP.It is important to note that there is variation among speakers, and a sentence such as (105a) could be accepted.However, it seems that (105b) is less acceptable in an out of the blue context.The PrP could only be accepted as a list-reading, as in (103b).
In Catalan, some additional elements such as the adverb ençà 'up.to.here', the spatiotemporal marker que 'that' or the adverbial fa XP 'makes XP' are needed to ensure that, in PrP sentences, the perfect time interval is anchored to the utterance time.In §2, I pointed out that the presence of these markers require the use of the present tense or PrP and the right boundary always overlaps with the utterance time.In these contexts, the explicit specification of the right boundary is quite restricted.Consider (106).
(106) D' aleshores ençà fins ara ha estat professor.from then up.to.here until now have.3sgbeen teacher Intended: 'Since then until now he has been a teacher.' The explicit expression of the right boundary with PPs such as d'aleshores ençà 'from then up to here' refers to the same moment of the utterance or to a moment linked to the day of speaking (i.e., fins {ara/avui} 'until now/today').
Likewise, an explicit expression specifying the right boundary is not likely to occur in sentences with preposed time modifiers such as des de XP que 'from XP that', see ( 107).
(107) ?? Des de diumenge fins ara que ha plogut.from Sunday until now that have.3sgrained The marker que 'that' in ( 107) is identified as a temporal-aspectual marker in Rigau (2000Rigau ( , 2001aRigau ( , 2001b)), and asserts a time interval that is anchored to the utterance time.As in (106), the right boundary may be accepted if it expresses that the interval encoded by des de reaches up to the same moment of the utterance or to a certain time linked to the present (i.e., fins {ara/avui} 'until now/today').
As has been noted for the case of Spanish (García Fernández 1999: 3196, 2000: 103;Schaden 2007: 104), locating time adverbials such as hace XP 'makes XP' or hacía XP 'made XP' cannot appear with an explicit rightward boundary.For my present purposes, I consider des de fa PPs 'from makes' in PrP sentences in Catalan.
(108) a. * Ha estat professor des de fa deu anys fins fa poc.have.3sgbeen teacher from make.3sg ten years until make.3sglittle b.Ha estat professor des de fa deu anys fins ara.have.3sgbeen teacher from make.3sg ten years until now 'He has been a teacher for ten years up to now' Fa deu anys 'makes ten years' in (108) measures the event time of being a professor from the utterance time and, hence, disallows the presence of an explicitright side delimiter like fa poc 'makes little', which refers to a moment different from now, see (108a).It is not logical to delimit the right boundary at some time before the utterance time, because the measure phrase selected by the locating time adverbial fa X time 'makes X time' locates the event time ten years backwards from the utterance time.It can only admit a right boundary that includes the moment of the utterance as in (108b).
The main conclusion of this subsection is that the lexical entries of since PPs differ cross-linguistically.The egressive path is clearly encoded by des de PPs, but since has a more complex semantic structure, see (101).It is a perfect-level adverbial and, apart from the left boundary, the right boundary, which in PrP is identified with the utterance time, is also inherent to the meaning of the preposition.In Catalan, some additional elements are needed to anchor des de to the reference time.Ençà 'up.to.here' presupposes the right boundary, que 'that' anchors the perfect time interval with respect to the utterance time and fa XP measures a temporal period backwards from the utterance time.An explicit specification of the right boundary is, hence, less likely to occur in these cases.If it is available, it mainly refers to the same moment as the utterance time (i.e., fins ara 'until now') or to some interval linked to the day of speaking (i.e., fins avui 'until today'), see ( 106), ( 107) and (108).

Conclusion
This paper has described the main grammatical properties of since-type of adverbials in a variety of Germanic and Romance languages.In particular, I have focused on Catalan and English.In contrast to des de, since includes the right boundary in the meaning of the preposition and it is set up by the present tense of the auxiliary verb in PrP sentences.One of the main empirical differences between since and des de is related to the nature of the right boundary, which it is left unspecified with des de PPs.In Catalan, des de PPs can combine with different tenses, see ( 23), and allow for an explicit right-side delimiter, see (28).Catalan requires additional elements such as the durational phrase fa XP 'makes XP', see (29), the adverb ençà 'up to here', see (31), or the spatiotemporal marker que 'that', see (32), to anchor the PP to the utterance time.
There are relevant analogies between spatial and temporal uses of des de.In particular, des de encodes an egressive path in the temporal domain that delimits the left boundary of a time interval, see (62b).The temporal path locates the figure (i.e., the described eventuality) at the first point where the ground is (i.e., delimited temporal interval).In English, since PPs also encode the starting point of a temporal path, i.e., its left boundary is a delimited temporal interval and its right boundary is encoded in the path asserted by the preposition since.
I have further investigated the source of the universal and existential interpretations of PrP sentences modified by since and des de PPs by looking at the contribution of the type of temporal path they encode.I have shown that, unlike from-paths, des depaths lack the locative relation of inclusion, i.e., the figure does not 'continue' within the ground at the starting point of the path, and, hence allow for existential quantification over times, which is contributed by indefinite phrases or quantified phrases, see (95).
As for since-phrases, they are deictic PPs that encode the left and the right boundaries in the meaning of the preposition.I propose that the path encoded by since has a more complex structure than an egressive path, see (101).They are perfect-level adverbials that modifiy the reference time, which is the figure of the temporal path.The locative relation between the figure and the ground is obtained at the starting point of the path, i.e., the figure begins at a specific temporal interval, and this relation also holds at the end, i.e., the figure ends at the moment of utterance in PrP sentences.Teresa M. Xiqués Centre de Lingüística Teòrica (CLT) Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Edifici B Campus UAB 08193 Bellaterra (Spain) teresam.xiques@gmail.com des de 2000.have.1sglived in Boston since 2000 'I have lived in Boston since 2000.' dos cops des de 2000.have.1sglived in Boston two times since 2000 'I have lived in Boston twice since 2000.'The nature of the right boundary of the since PP and the (un)availability of an explicit right-side delimiter differs cross-linguistically. Consider the following empirical contrast between Catalan and English.(7) a. Sam has lived in Boston since 1990 (*until now).b.He viscut a Boston des de 2000 fins ara/ fa poc.have.1sglived in Boston since 2000 until now/make.3sglittle 'Intended: I have lived in Boston since 2000 until now/recently.' de 2000 ençà.have.1sglived in Boston of 2000 up.to.here 'I have lived in Boston since 2000.' b.Des de diumenge que plou / ha plogut.from Sunday that rain.3sg/ have.3sgrained 'It has been raining since Sunday' c. Treballa/ ha treballat aquí des de fa dos anys.work.3sghave3sg worked here since makes two years 'I have worked here since two years ago.'

(
10) a.I have been sick since yesterday.b. * I am sick since yesterday.c. * I was sick since 1990.(11) a.It had revised its constitution twice, since the country had achieved independence.b.By tomorrow Daniel will have been in bed for a week since he caught the flu.c.He must have been sick since Christmas.However, the presence of complements such as long allows since PPs to co-occur with the preterite as well (from McCoard 1978:135): (12) I {have/was} retired long since.

( 21 )
John hasn't said a word since Strasbourg.(22) a. * He walked since the school.b. * John walked since 10 km.

(
23) a. Viu a Boston des de 2004.live.3sg in Boston since 2004 Intended: 'I live in Boston since 2004.' b.Va viure a Boston des de 2004.aux.3sg live in Boston since 2004 Intended: 'I lived in Boston since 2004.' c.Vivia a Boston des de 2004.lived.imp.3sg in Boston since 2004 Intended: 'I was living in Boston since 2004.' d.Havia viscut a Boston des de 2004.had.3sg lived in Boston since 2004 'He had lived in Boston since 2004.' e. Viurà a Boston des de demà live.3sg in Boston since tomorrow Intended: 'He will live in Boston since tomorrow.' (28) a. Ha estat a Boston des de dimarts fins fa poc.have.3sgbeen in Boston since Tuesday until makes little Intended: 'He has been in Boston since Tuesday until recently.'b. * He has been in Boston since Tuesday until recently.

(
43) a. Jaques vit à Paris depuis 2000.Jaques live.3sg in Paris since 2000 'Intended: Jaques lives alone since 2000.' b.Jaques a vécu à Paris depuis 2000.Jaques have.3sglived in Paris since 2000 'Jaques has lived alone since 2000.' c.Jaques vivait à Paris depuis 2000.Jaques lived.imp.3sg in Paris since 2000 'Intended: Jaques lived alone since 2000.' d.Jaques avait vécu à Paris depuis 2000.Jaques had.3sg lived in Paris since 2000 'Intended: Jaques had lived in Paris since 2000.'Like in the case of Catalan, in French, depuis PPs do not have to stretch up to the point of reference and allow for an explicit right-sided boundary (from Schaden 2005a: 92), see (44).(44) Le Chan conserve et communique les archives de la France the Chan conserve.3sgand communicate.3sgthe archives of the France depuis les Mérovingiens jusqu'en 1958.since the Merovingians up.to 1958 'The Chan conserves and communicates the archives of France from the time of the Merovingians up to 1958' Moreover, in French, the future reference is only possible with an explicit rightdelimiting expression (from Schaden 2007: 105): (45) Octave sera absent depuis Demain jusqu'à lundi soir.Octave will.be.3sgabsent since Demain up.toMonday evening Intended: 'Octave will be absent since Demain up to Monday evening.'Like in Catalan, depuis PPs also allow spatial uses (from Schaden 2007: 107, cited in Grevisse & Goose 1993): (46) La France s' étend depuis les Alpes jusqu'à l' Océan.the France cl.refl extend since the Alps up.to the Ocean 'France stretches from the Alps up to the Ocean.' (54) a. … des ton alt Palau (Aribau, Oda V) from your high Palace 'from your high Palace.' b. … des la vall fonda (Costa i Llobera, L'Ogre de la terra, 77) from the valley deep 'from the deep valley'

( 72 )
Bruno has sold four cars since last year.
the reason why PrP sentences modified by des de can give rise to universal or existential interpretations is connected to the egressive temporal path encoded by the preposition.In (94) (=(5), from §1), the egressive path encoded by des de is a time interval that yields a universal interpretation: lived in Boston since 2000.' ) (=(6), from §1). (95) He viscut a Boston dos cops des de 2000.have.1sglived in Boston two times since 2000 'I have lived in Boston twice since 2000.'

(
105) a. * Ha estat a Boston des de dimarts fins ahir.have.3sgbeen in Boston from Tuesday until yesterday b. * Ha estat a Boston des del 2000 fins el 2005.have.3sgbeen in Boston from.the2000 until the 2005 refers to an interval that is subsequent to the event time.These examples are with the past form of the verb.
Des de PPs can appear with the impersonal verb fa 'makes' in des de fa 'since makes'.The impersonal verb appears in the present, see (29), or imperfective, see (30), and restricts the tense used in the clause.When it appears in the present tense, it only allows for the use of the present or the PrP: ). Catalan requires the fa X time 'makes', the adverb ençà

Friday in Boston been 'Hans had been in Boston since Friday.' Like in English, seit PPs are restricted to temporal uses and can combine with
. He is in Paris since yesterday.'Likeinthe case of German, depuis PPs can co-occur with any type of Aktionsart : states, see (42a) (from Schadem 2007: 87), activities, see (42b) (from Schaden 2007:119), accomplisments and achievements, see (42c) and (42d), respectively (from Schaden 2007:113).Moreover, they can also combine with different tenses, i.e., with the present tense, see (43a), the PrP, see (43b), the past imperfective, see (43c), and the past perfect, see (43d).6 Jaques have.3sglived alone since the death of his father 'Jaques has lived alone since his father died.' b.Jean a écrit depuis six heures du matin.Jean have.3sgwritten since six hours of morning 'Jean has written since 6 in the morning.' b.Cunégonde a mangé trois pommes depuis midi.
). Depuis PPs can also tenses, see (43), and allow for numerically quantified phrases, see (41a).Like in the case of des de PPs, despuis PPs allow for an explicit right-side delimiter, see ( . claims, egressive paths explicitly set the left boundary of the path.Pantcheva (2011: 26)supports the distinction above with data from some Uralic languages which use case morphemes to encode spatial paths.Here I use two examples from Komi Permyak 10 , which uses an egressive or an elative cases 11 to encode a coinitial or egressive path, respectively.
) a. Tony has been living on Cape Cod since 1990.b. [ TP Present [ Perf since 1990 [ AspP Imperfective [ VP Tony live on Cape Cod]]]] c. ∃t: RB (u,t) & (LB (1990,t) & ∃t'⊇ t : Tony live on Cape Cod at t' (76) a. Tony has visited Cape Cod since 1990.b. [ TP Present [ Perf since 1990 [ AspP Perfective [ VP Tony visit Cape Cod]]]] c. ∃t: RB (u,t) & (LB (1990,t) & ∃t'⊆ t : Tony visit on Cape Cod at t' The following table summarises the results.(98)Grammatical properties of temporal paths and the universal / existential reading Unequivocal universal readings are available with cointial paths.From PPs assert a non-delimited source path that establishes a locative relation of inclusion between the figure and the ground, see (89).Such a locative relation blocks the existential quantification over times or quantified phrases, see (90).From PPs can license delimited intervals when they specify the initial boundary of a complex temporal path, i.e., from X until now, see (92a).This two-sided path can enforce an existential reading with quantified phrases, see (92b).In contrast to from-paths, des de PPs encode an egressive path in the temporal domain, i.e., they state the initial boundary of the path and do not impose a locative relation of inclusion between the figure and the ground.The lack of this locative condition allows for existential quantification over times in the presence of explicit quantified phrases, see (95).Since-paths, in contrast to des de, have a more complex internal structure, i.e., since has a predetermined right boundary.The nature of the right boundary in des de PPs and since PPs is further discussed in the following section.
points out that desde in Spanish and depuis-adverbials in French can take any type of interval as its right boundary.Consider the following examples in Spanish, cf.(103a) (from García Fernández 2000: 117) and (103b) (from Martínez-Atienza 2010: 196).