TY - JOUR AU - Salvà i Puig, Sebastià PY - 2017/05/30 Y2 - 2024/03/29 TI - Past Participle Agreement in Majorcan Catalan: the Relevance of Inner Aspect JF - Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics JA - Borealis VL - 6 IS - 1 SE - Articles on the monographic topic DO - 10.7557/1.6.1.4101 UR - https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/borealis/article/view/4101 SP - 53-75 AB - <p>This paper aims to explain, from a theoretical point of view, the behaviour of past participle agreement with the object <em>in situ</em> (PPA<sub>OIS</sub>) in Majorcan Catalan. It is possible in perfect telic dynamic events, but not in Kimian and Davidsonian states —except for certain telic dynamic constructions built with Kiparsky (1998) and Jaque’s  (2014) high pure stative verbs—, nor in some atelic dynamic constructions (like those ones with NP objects<em> </em>bounded<em> </em>by a D or Q), although it is perfectly grammatical with bare plurals and with bare mass nouns. In order for PPA<sub>OIS</sub> to be possible, it is proposed that a specific functional head (Asp, that is to say: Proc<sub>[<em>u</em>q][<em>u</em>ϕ]</sub>), related to so-called <em>inner aspect</em>, must be present in the event structure. Asp establishes a double <em>Agree </em>relation with the object, in order to get its quantisation and [<em>u</em>ϕ] features valued. It is also explored the possibility that the [q] feature of Asp be interpretable. If Asp is not present in the structure, the impossibility of PPA<sub>OIS</sub> follows. Moreover, PPA<sub>OIS</sub> will be only materialised if a <em>pro</em> object co-referent with the full NP object moves through a LowTop position —similar to the Agr<sub>O</sub> projection proposed by Kayne (1989).</p> ER -