Settledness, Polarity and Mood in Spanish Complements
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.7557/1.11.3.6463Palabras clave:
Spanish, Mood, Assertion, Settledness, PolarityResumen
Se investiga el efecto del modo verbal en la interpretación de palabras negativas como nadie, cuando estas aparecen en el complemento de predicados fáctico-emotivos en español. El modo subjuntivo permite que la palabra nadie funcione como un elemento de polaridad negativo, y sea interpretada como una expresión cuantificada por un operador existencial no negado, ∃x, equivalente a alguien. Por otro lado, el indicativo permite únicamente su interpretación como una expresión negativa cuantificada por el operador universal, ∀x¬, o como una expresión que contiene el operador existencial negado, ¬∃x. Se ofrece una explicación en términos de la noción de estabilización. Una proposición expresada en indicativo se asevera, lo cual indica la intención del hablante de que esta se estabilice en el conjunto contextual. En este caso la proposición está gramaticalmente estabilizada. Al expresar una proposición en subjuntivo, el hablante no indica una intención de que se estabilice. La proposición está en un estado gramaticalmente inestable (p/¬p: estado en el cual el valor de p está indeterminado). Se propone que nadie denota una escala de cantidad <∀, ∃>. Dentro de un complemento aseverado, la interpretación de nadie se fija en el punto más informativo, de la escala: ∀. Por otro lado, cuando nadie aparece en el complemento inestable de un predicado fáctico-emotivo afectivo, la interpretación de nadie no está fijada. Esta falta de determinación permite que nadie tome el valor más bajo, ∃. Esta posibilidad dota al hablante de un recurso expresivo que resulta en una expresión con un valor enfático.
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