Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 2022-06-08T11:47:39+02:00 Antonio Fábregas Open Journal Systems <p>Borealis: An international journal of Hispanic linguistics is born with the double goal of providing a venue for the publication and discussion of research results on all areas of Contemporary Hispanic linguistics and giving researchers easy access to high quality articles dealing with some of the most crucial unresolved issues about the Spanish language. Borealis publishes original papers both in theoretical and applied linguistics about all varieties of Spanish, and follows the <a href="">COPE ethical guidelines</a> at every stage of the editorial process. The journal has a chief editor, several associate editors and a scientific and advisory board.</p> Observaciones sobre epifenomenología diacrónica 2022-06-08T11:45:04+02:00 José Luis Mendívil <p>Segunda respuesta de José Luis Mendívil a Javier Elvira.</p> 2022-06-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 José Luis Mendívil Epifenomenología diacrónica 2022-06-08T11:45:23+02:00 Javier Elvira <p>Respuesta de Javier Elvira a la réplica de José Luis Mendívil.</p> 2022-06-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Javier Elvira ¿Existiría la gramática si no hubiera gramaticalización? 2022-06-08T11:45:42+02:00 José Luis Mendívil <p>Respuesta de José-Luis Mendívil a la primera contribución de Javier Elvira.</p> 2022-06-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 José Luis Mendívil Gramaticalización 2022-05-05T10:36:40+02:00 Javier Elvira <p>Texto inicial de Javier Elvira que resume su visión de la gramaticalización.</p> 2022-06-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Javier Elvira Spanish voseo verb typology in a five steps algorithm 2022-06-08T11:46:24+02:00 Miguel Vázquez-Larruscaín <p><strong>Abstract</strong>. This paper sets forth an algorithm which can recognize any type of conjugation of the Spanish <em>voseo</em> varieties, based on a parametric analysis of its morphological typology. The algorithm is built as a sequence of a minimum of two and a maximum of five operations, or steps. Both the linear arrangement of the steps and the content of the queries are based on an implicit theory of the relative markedness or complexity of each variant, which is also based on the parametric analysis of the typology. Thus, assessing the speed and efficiency of the algorithm becomes an indirect measure of the underlying analysis. The algorithm also invites to speculate about how the variable data relates to the way it is acquired or learned.</p> 2022-06-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Miguel Vázquez-Larruscaín The focus prominence rule in Spanish from a perception perspective 2022-06-08T11:46:44+02:00 Christoph Gabriel Steffen Heidinger <p>The focus prominence rule (FPR) predicts that speakers articulate their utterances in such a way that the nuclear stress falls within the focus domain (<em>¿</em><em>Qué compró Juan?</em> ‘What did John buy?’ →<em> Juan compró </em>[<em>una bicicleta</em>]<sub>F</sub> ‘John bought [a BIKE]<sub>F</sub>’ / #<em>Juan compró </em>[<em>una bicicleta</em>]<sub>F</sub> ‘John bought [a bike]<sub>F</sub>’). To examine the consequences of the FPR for focus interpretation, we carried out a perception experiment using oral production data produced by Argentinean speakers. Two groups of hearers representing either the Argentinean or the Peninsular variety of Spanish were tested. We examined whether the focus-background partition assigned by hearers to (contextless) SVO sentences coincides with the focus-background partition under which the sentences had originally been produced. The results show that the hearers’ interpretations coincide with the original focus-background partition in 70% of the responses and that the accuracy rate strongly depends on three variables: <em>focus type</em> (contrastive (CF) &gt; information focus (IF)), <em>focused constituent</em> (subject &gt; direct object), and <em>variety spoken by participants </em>(Argentinean Spanish &gt; Peninsular Spanish). The accuracy ranges from 94% ([subject]<sub>CF</sub>, Argentinean participants) to 43% ([object]<sub>IF</sub>, speakers of Peninsular Spanish). Besides the three above-mentioned factors, we discuss whether stress placement (and sentence form more generally) can be seen as focus marking devices in Spanish. We argue that sentence form is best viewed as a filter, which rules out (or makes improbable) certain focus-background partitions. However, contextual cues are often necessary to identify the actual focus-background partition of a sentence.</p> 2022-06-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Christoph Gabriel, Steffen Heidinger Syncretism and ordering in the evolution of Catalan pronominal clitic clusters 2022-06-08T11:47:03+02:00 Teresa Cabré <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>This paper examines the 3rd person clitic combinations found in a digital corpus of Catalan texts dating from the 11<sup>th</sup> century to the first half of the 18<sup>th</sup> (the CICA) and attempts to clarify the origin of the current clitic system of colloquial non-Valencian Catalan. Scrutiny of the database shows that the locative <em>HI</em> (i.e., <em>hi</em> or its variants <em>í/y/hic</em>) replaced the canonical dative clitic of 3rd person clusters in the 14<sup>th</sup> century in both singular and plural forms, contrary to what has previously been claimed. The medieval patterns of usage that the data reveal are very close to those occurring in colloquial non-Valencian Catalan as it is spoken nowadays, as opposed to those seen in Valencian Catalan, where a locative clitic is no longer present. On the basis of this data, we argue that the incompatibility of plural morpheme combinations in Old—among other reasons—forced the generalization of the morpheme /i/ as a dative marker, thus converting it into the true ‘elsewhere’ item of the Catalan clitic system. The similarity between medieval and modern colloquial non-Valencian Catalan clitic forms allows us to analyze them in the same way. Specifically, we suggest there is only one clitic area for these clusters in which the <em>HI</em> works as a place nominal located structurally in the nominal layer.</p> 2022-06-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Teresa Cabré La gestión de la concordancia de género gramatical en el español de bilingües purépecha y español 2022-06-08T11:47:19+02:00 Nadiezdha Torres Sanchez <p>En este estudio se analiza la concordancia de género en el español de hablantes bilingües purépecha y español. Los datos provienen de ocho entrevistas a manera de conversación libre que forman parte del Corpus del Español en Contacto del Centro de Lingüística Hispánica “Juan M. Lope Blanch” (UNAM). De manera general, se observan las frecuencias de concordancia y no concordancia y se determina si se trata de un fenómeno saliente. Particularmente, se examinan los contextos no concordantes en relación con el tipo de estructura en la que se presentan: i) frase nominal, ii) adjetiva o iii) predicativa; de los rasgos semánticos de los sustantivos disparadores de la concordancia: i) animacidad, ii) género; el segmento final del sustantivo: i) consonantes o ii) vocales<em> a</em>, <em>o </em>y<em> e</em>; y los rasgos sociales de los colaboradores: i) género, ii) edad, iii) lengua materna, iv) ocupación y v) lugar de residencia.</p> 2022-06-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Nadiezdha Torres Sanchez The Two Spanish Subjunctives: The Required and Default Subjunctives 2022-06-08T11:47:39+02:00 Tris Faulkner <p>Standard Spanish grammar states that desideratives (<em>querer que</em>), directives (<em>aconsejar que</em>), purpose clauses (<em>para que</em>), causatives (<em>hacer que</em>), emotive-factives (<em>alegrarse de que</em>), negated epistemics (<em>no creer que</em>), dubitatives (<em>dudar que</em>), and modals (<em>ser posible que</em>) embed subjunctive complement clauses. However, in spite of these classifications, some predicates exhibit a certain degree of mood variation. For instance, emotive-factives can take indicative complements (Crespo del Río 2014; Faulkner 2021a). Similar variability between the moods may also come about in negated epistemic (Bolinger 1991), dubitative (Blake 1981), and modal clauses (Deshors and Waltermire 2019).&nbsp;</p> <p>I propose that such variation stems from the Spanish mood system involving a split between two types of subjunctives - one that is required in preference-based contexts, and another that is default and can be replaced by the indicative. I argue that, whereas preference-based expressions (desideratives, directives, purpose clauses, causatives) are inflexibly subjunctive, emotive-factives and verbs of uncertainty (negated epistemics, dubitatives, modals) may accept indicative if the speaker intends to add the affirmative or negated proposition to the common ground; i.e., if the speaker intends to assert the complement in question. I close these arguments by stating that assertion with the indicative is most likely to occur if the proposition (affirmative or negated) is informative (new or unknown to the addressee, important, contrastive, and/or highly probable).</p> 2022-06-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Tris Faulkner Correlations between Case and the D-system and the interpretability of Case 2022-04-12T11:23:15+02:00 Txuss Martin Ioanna Sitaridou Wolfram Hinzen <p>A correlation between articles and Case has long been noted based on diachronic evidence. Beyond articles, evidence supports that this correlation extends further to clitics and the determiner system (the D-system) at large. The D-system in turn supports referential functions in grammar and is closely correlated to Person. The aim of the present article is to link support for these facts to the broader foundational question and independent recent theories of the function of Case as governing referential meaning in grammar at the level of clauses. This link is supported by specific evidence from the use of Accusative and Partitive clitics in Romance, which play the same roles strong Accusative vs. weak Partitive Case play in Finnish, which lacks articles, and similar patterns in languages such as Turkish, Russian, and Latin. Case therefore arguably determines the referential function of (pro-) nominals as part of event structures, whether synthetically or else analytically via the left periphery of the NP. This explains the historical links between Case and the D-system, which we further argue evidence from Greek has been incorrectly argued to contravene.</p> 2021-12-01T00:00:00+01:00 Copyright (c) 2021 Txuss Martin, Professor, Professor