Nordlyd 2019-06-14T10:11:06+02:00 Peter Svenonius Open Journal Systems <p>is published by the Department of Language and Culture at UiT The Arctic University of Norway, and features articles with some connection to UiT, e.g. papers having been presented here or at events organized by members of the UiT linguistics community. Contributions are normally by invitation. All submissions are peer-reviewed.</p> On prominence scale interactions in Hayu: a Harmonic Grammar account 2019-06-14T10:10:07+02:00 Doreen Georgi This paper investigates prominence scale interactions in verbal agreement in Hayu (Kiranti). The agreement system is very complex in several ways. First, the person and the number scale interact in interesting ways, i.e. they need to be ranked in order to produce the correct output in cases of conflicting preferences; second, the general ranking seems to be reversed in one particular context. This pattern poses a challenge to existing analysis of scale-driven agreement. I propose a Harmonic Grammar-based analysis where an argument’s prominence is quantified. In this way, all interactions are correctly derived. The apparent exceptions fall out automatically as cumulative effects. 2019-03-19T11:20:20+01:00 Copyright (c) 2019 Doreen Georgi Nominal licensing is driven by valued (phi-)features 2019-06-14T10:11:06+02:00 Laura Kalin <div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>This short paper lays out the components of a new model of nominal licensing, motivated by novel observations about parallels between the Person Case Constraint and Differential Object Marking. The model revolves around the idea that valued features on nominals---namely, </span><span>phi</span><span>-features and features related to definiteness and animacy---are the sorts of features that need abstract licensing, rather than an abstract Case feature. This model helps us understand where differential marking and featural restrictions occur, and in particular, why it is that subjects and indirect objects, in contrast to direct objects, tend not to be differentially marked or featurally restricted. </span></p></div></div></div> 2019-03-19T11:20:20+01:00 Copyright (c) 2019 Laura Kalin Revisiting rebinding: an alternative to MaxElide 2019-06-14T10:10:36+02:00 James Griffiths <pre>Using <span>Takahashi</span> <span>&amp;</span> Fox (2005) as an exemplar, this paper argues that analyses of English ellipsis that make recourse to a <span>MaxElide</span> constraint (or a theoretical reduction thereof) are misguided, and that one must look past <span>MaxElide</span> to explain the distribution of acceptability in the elliptical rebinding constructions that <span>MaxElide</span> was originally invoked to explain. A novel analysis is outlined which attributes the unacceptability observed in the rebinding dataset to an inability to satisfy a more restrictive, reflexive version of <span>Takahashi</span> <span>&amp;</span> Fox's (ibid.) Parallelism condition on ellipsis recoverability.</pre> 2019-03-19T11:20:20+01:00 Copyright (c) 2019 James Griffiths