Nordlyd https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd <p>is published by the Department of Language and Culture at UiT The Arctic University of Norway, and features articles with some connection to UiT, e.g. papers having been presented here or at events organized by members of the UiT linguistics community. Contributions are normally by invitation. All submissions are peer-reviewed.</p> Septentrio Academic Publishing en-US Nordlyd 1503-8599 Authors who publish with this journal agree to the following terms:<br /><br /><ol type="a"><li>Authors retain copyright and grant the journal right of first publication with the work simultaneously licensed under a <a href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial License</a> that allows others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.</li><li>Authors are able to enter into separate, additional contractual arrangements for the non-exclusive distribution of the journal's published version of the work (e.g., post it to an institutional repository or publish it in a book), with an acknowledgement of its initial publication in this journal.</li><li>Authors are permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to and during the submission process, as it can lead to productive exchanges, as well as earlier and greater citation of published work (See <a href="http://opcit.eprints.org/oacitation-biblio.html" target="_new">The Effect of Open Access</a>).</li></ol> On prominence scale interactions in Hayu: a Harmonic Grammar account https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/4206 This paper investigates prominence scale interactions in verbal agreement in Hayu (Kiranti). The agreement system is very complex in several ways. First, the person and the number scale interact in interesting ways, i.e. they need to be ranked in order to produce the correct output in cases of conflicting preferences; second, the general ranking seems to be reversed in one particular context. This pattern poses a challenge to existing analysis of scale-driven agreement. I propose a Harmonic Grammar-based analysis where an argument’s prominence is quantified. In this way, all interactions are correctly derived. The apparent exceptions fall out automatically as cumulative effects. Doreen Georgi Copyright (c) 2019 Doreen Georgi http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/ 2019-03-19 2019-03-19 43 1 1 13 10.7557/12.4206 Nominal licensing is driven by valued (phi-)features https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/4186 <div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>This short paper lays out the components of a new model of nominal licensing, motivated by novel observations about parallels between the Person Case Constraint and Differential Object Marking. The model revolves around the idea that valued features on nominals---namely, </span><span>phi</span><span>-features and features related to definiteness and animacy---are the sorts of features that need abstract licensing, rather than an abstract Case feature. This model helps us understand where differential marking and featural restrictions occur, and in particular, why it is that subjects and indirect objects, in contrast to direct objects, tend not to be differentially marked or featurally restricted. </span></p></div></div></div> Laura Kalin Copyright (c) 2019 Laura Kalin http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/ 2019-03-19 2019-03-19 43 1 15 29 10.7557/12.4186 Revisiting rebinding: an alternative to MaxElide https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/4193 <pre>Using <span>Takahashi</span> <span>&amp;</span> Fox (2005) as an exemplar, this paper argues that analyses of English ellipsis that make recourse to a <span>MaxElide</span> constraint (or a theoretical reduction thereof) are misguided, and that one must look past <span>MaxElide</span> to explain the distribution of acceptability in the elliptical rebinding constructions that <span>MaxElide</span> was originally invoked to explain. A novel analysis is outlined which attributes the unacceptability observed in the rebinding dataset to an inability to satisfy a more restrictive, reflexive version of <span>Takahashi</span> <span>&amp;</span> Fox's (ibid.) Parallelism condition on ellipsis recoverability.</pre> James Griffiths Copyright (c) 2019 James Griffiths http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/ 2019-03-19 2019-03-19 43 1 31 43 10.7557/12.4193