Nordlyd https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd <p>is published by the Department of Language and Culture at UiT The Arctic University of Norway, and features articles with some connection to UiT, e.g. papers having been presented here or at events organized by members of the UiT linguistics community. Contributions are normally by invitation. All submissions are peer-reviewed.</p> Septentrio Academic Publishing en-US Nordlyd 1503-8599 <p>Authors who publish with this journal agree to the following terms:<br><br></p> <ol type="a"> <li class="show">Authors retain copyright and grant the journal right of first publication with the work simultaneously licensed under a <a href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial License</a> that allows others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.</li> <li class="show">Authors are able to enter into separate, additional contractual arrangements for the non-exclusive distribution of the journal's published version of the work (e.g., post it to an institutional repository or publish it in a book), with an acknowledgement of its initial publication in this journal.</li> <li class="show">Authors are permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to and during the submission process, as it can lead to productive exchanges, as well as earlier and greater citation of published work (See <a href="http://opcit.eprints.org/oacitation-biblio.html" target="_new">The Effect of Open Access</a>).</li> </ol> Editorial: Perspectives on Nordic phonology https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/6242 <p>In this editorial, we first offer a glimpse of the scope and traditions of studying phonology in the Nordic countries and how these are mirrored in the aims of FiNo and the topics presented at its 2020 workshop. We then summarize the individual contributions to the volume, showing how they connect nicely with an overarching frame­work, which we call ‘Autosegmental Metrical Optimality Theory’.</p> Miguel Vázquez-Larruscaín Islam Youssef Copyright (c) 2021 Miguel Vázquez-Larruscaín, Islam Youssef https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2021-12-30 2021-12-30 45 1 1–6 1–6 10.7557/12.6242 Nordic umlaut, contrastive features and stratal phonology https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/6249 <p>The data puzzle of Proto-Nordic rounding and front umlauts is addressed by positing an undominated markedness constraint that bans [±round] moraic stem-final segments. A related constraint restricts the assignment of [±round] in affixes. These constraints impact on how stem-final triggers spread features to target vowels, which proves a good predictor of the so far poorly understood distribution of umlaut in the lexicon. Since these constraints refer both to syllabification and to specification of contrastive features, the paper applies a tentative reconciliation of constraint-based Stratal Phonology with Contrastive Hier­archy Theory, which postulates universal organisation of emergent features in binary feature hier­archies. Stem-level segments are accordingly assumed to be stripped of redundant overspecification by stem-level constraints, while umlaut was enacted in word-level phonology.</p> Johan Schalin Copyright (c) 2021 Johan Schalin https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2021-12-30 2021-12-30 45 1 7–37 7–37 10.7557/12.6249 Complementary length in Danish. Why not? https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/6247 <p>This paper argues that the Danish coda consonants in <em>kat </em>and <em>tal</em> or the intervocalic obstruents in <em>katte </em>and <em>stokke </em>are, in fact, moraic. First, there is no difference in duration nor the possibility of a phonological contrast between long and short consonants, even in cases of contrast, such as in <em>pen, </em>with stød, versus <em>ven, </em>without. Second, if obstruents cannot be moraic, it is impossible to state important interdependencies between the length of the vowel and the size of consonant clusters in the same syllable, regardless of which major class the first consonant of the cluster belongs to. Similarly, systematic alternations between long and short vowels in pairs like <em>ska</em>[æ:]<em>be – ska</em>[ɑ]<em>bt </em>are arbitrary processes, if obstruents cannot be moraic. Making syllable structure dependent on the traditional notion of ‘stød basis’ severs syllable structure from the rest of the phonology. A more consistent view emerges if Danish, like the rest of the Scandinavian languages, Insular and Continental, is analyzed as a strict ‘complementary length’ type, such that stressed syllables are all parsed as heavy, that is, with a strictly bimoraic syllabic nucleus.</p> Miguel Vázquez-Larruscaín Copyright (c) 2021 Miguel Vázquez-Larruscaín https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2021-12-30 2021-12-30 45 1 39–55 39–55 10.7557/12.6247 Medial catalexis in Sir Thomas Wyatt’s iambic pentameter https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/6260 <div class="page" title="Page 1"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>There is a reasonable scholarly consensus that the long (“heroic”) line of Sir Thomas Wyatt is an iambic pentameter. However, a significant number of his long lines are apparently syllabically hypometrical, calling into question this interpretation. The doubt is further compounded by Wyatt’s nontrivial use of phrase-medial inversions. I argue that it is nonetheless possible to infer an iambic pentameter intention behind Wyatt’s syllabically hypometrical lines, which can be ‘repaired’ by medial catalexis. Syllabically canonical lines are known to favour major prosodic breaks (Intonational Phrase boundaries) between the second and third foot and, to some extent, between the third and fourth. On the assumption that medial catalexis exploits the natural pauses that occur at the boundaries between Intonational Phrases, what emerges is a significant preference for catalexis to target the weak position of the third verse foot (half-line boundary), followed by the fourth (immediately following the verse-foot adjunct of the second half-line). The finding opens up further possibilities for understanding Wyatt’s other licences, and linguistically informed literary criticism of his verse. The final part of the paper offers some speculations as to the nature of medial catalexis and how it can be approached within a linguistically informed framework compatible with generative metrics.</p> </div> </div> </div> Patrik Bye Copyright (c) 2021 Patrik Bye https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2021-12-30 2021-12-30 45 1 57–94 57–94 10.7557/12.6260 Complex onsets and coda markedness in Persian https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/6239 <p> </p> <p>This paper argues for the Coda Condition to be a universal set of violable constraints on the basis of new vowel epenthesis data from Persian (Farsi). Vowel insertion in L2 phonology, loanwords, and nonce-words is driven by a strict ban on consonant clusters in syllable onsets. The choice between anaptyxis and prothesis is determined by the Coda Condition. As there is no detectable evidence for a coda condition in the existing Persian lexicon, it would be impossible for speakers of Persian to have acquired the Coda Condition as part of the L1 acquisition process. Moreover, this study contradicts two claims made in the literature: first, that anaptyxis/prothesis splits are always caused by the Syllable Contact Law, and second, that all coda condition effects can be reanalysed with positional faithfulness. Going beyond the Persian data, the paper argues for a formulation of the Coda Condition as positional licensing rather than simple markedness in interaction with positional faithfulness.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></p> Martin Krämer Copyright (c) 2021 Martin Krämer https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2021-12-30 2021-12-30 45 1 95–118 95–118 10.7557/12.6239 F0 and duration changes in unstressed vs. stressed syllables connected to postlexical stress and sentence type in Standard Lithuanian https://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/view/6248 <p>This paper presents an analysis of F0 and duration changes in unstressed vs. stressed syllables con­nected to the postlexical stress and sentence type in Lithuanian. The aim of this analysis is to provide a systematic investigation on Lithuanian lexical stress by examining the F0 and duration differences between stressed and unstressed syllables in different sentence types and postlexical stress positions. The material consists of 540 audio-recorded phrases read by two Standard Lithuanian speakers – a male and a female. The results show that F0 does not consistently mark lexical stress in these two speakers’ data and it rather serves postlexical purposes. Significant differences between lexically stressed and unstressed syllables were found only in exclamations and questions when the target word was post­lexically stressed. Duration was found to be the marker of both lexical and postlexical stress. However, with regard to syllable duration, exclamations behave differently from both questions and statements.</p> Regina Sabonytė Yonatan Goldshtein Copyright (c) 2021 Regina Sabonytė, Yonatan Goldshtein https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2021-12-30 2021-12-30 45 1 119–128 119–128 10.7557/12.6248