Nordlyd <p>is published by the Department of Language and Culture at UiT The Arctic University of Norway, and features articles with some connection to UiT, e.g. papers having been presented here or at events organized by members of the UiT linguistics community. Contributions are normally by invitation. All submissions are peer-reviewed.</p> en-US Authors who publish with this journal agree to the following terms:<br /><br /><ol type="a"><li>Authors retain copyright and grant the journal right of first publication with the work simultaneously licensed under a <a href="">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial License</a> that allows others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.</li><li>Authors are able to enter into separate, additional contractual arrangements for the non-exclusive distribution of the journal's published version of the work (e.g., post it to an institutional repository or publish it in a book), with an acknowledgement of its initial publication in this journal.</li><li>Authors are permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to and during the submission process, as it can lead to productive exchanges, as well as earlier and greater citation of published work (See <a href="" target="_new">The Effect of Open Access</a>).</li></ol> (Peter Svenonius) (Septentrio Academic Publishing) Mon, 12 Oct 2020 17:53:02 +0200 OJS 60 Editorial: Recent advances in Germanic syntax across syntactic domains Andreas Trotzke, George Walkden Copyright (c) 2020 Andreas Trotzke; George Walkden Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 A New Modal Cycle <p>A new set of modals is appearing in contemporary English. The epistemic modals with perfect<em> have</em> are forming a new class including <em>mighta, coulda, woulda, shoulda, </em>and <em>musta,</em> when they are used with an additional <em>have </em>and without a (present) perfect meaning<em>.</em> I look at their structure and examine possible determinacy violations when they (and the core modals) move to C. The data come from corpus and internet sources; the study is not a quantitative one because the change is not yet particularly frequent.</p> Elly van Gelderen Copyright (c) 2020 Elly van Gelderen Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 How to become an adjective when you're not strong (enough)? <div class="page" title="Page 1"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>This article attempts to put a new spin on (the development of) weakly inflected adjectives, with a partic- ular focus on North Germanic, by recycling some traditional ideas. Point of departure is the observation that the Proto-Norse demonstrative hinn had ended up as a functional element in the extended adjectival projection in Old Norse – not as a definite article in the extended nominal projection (an otherwise well- known grammaticalization process). Following the old idea that weak inflection originally involved nominalization, it is argued that weak “adjectives” maintained their nominal status beyond Proto-Gemanic. Thus the weakening demonstrative originally occurs as a determiner in some nominal projection. At some stage prior to Old Norse, this constellation is reanalyzed at the phrasal level, from noun phrase to adjectival phrase, a process in which the demonstrative gets “trapped” inside the adjectival projection and is reanalyzed as adjectival article. This process termed phrasal reanalysis is operative at three levels, (i) lexical: N<sup>0</sup> &gt;&gt; A<sup>0</sup>; (ii) phrasal: NP &gt;&gt; AP; (iii) functional: demonstrative &gt;&gt; adjectival article.</p> </div> </div> </div> Alexander Pfaff Copyright (c) 2020 Alexander Pfaff Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 Event structure and argument realization in English zero-derived nominals with particles <p>This paper is concerned with the morphosyntax of deverbal zero-derived nominals (e.g., to climb &gt; a climb), which have received much less attention in the literature than suffix-based nominals (cf. the climb-ing, the examin-ation, the assign-ment). In the generative literature, in particular, after Grimshaw’s (1990) seminal work on suffix-based nominals and their possibility to inherit verbal event and argument structure, zero-derived nouns have been claimed to lack such properties: e.g., in syntax-based models of word formation, which take argument realization in deverbal nouns to indicate the inheritance of functional structure from the base verb, they have been analyzed as derived not from a verb but from an uncategorized root, as implemented in Borer (2013). Following Rappaport-Hovav and Levin’s (1998) theory of event structure and argument realization, I investigate zero-derived nouns built from verbs with preposed and postposed particles and show that they may realize argument structure on their event readings, which can only come about from the event structure of their base verbs.</p> Gianina Iordachioaia Copyright (c) 2020 Gianina Iordăchioaia Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 German Passives and English Benefactives <p>In both English benefactive constructions (<em>John baked Mary a cake</em>) and German <em>kriegen/bekommen</em>-passives (<em>Er kriegte einen Stift geschenkt</em> ‘He got a pen gifted’), the theme argument is accusative-marked but has no way of getting structural accusative case. In English benefactive constructions, this is because the beneficiary argument intervenes between the voice head and the theme, and in German <em>kriegen/bekommen</em>-passives, it is because there is no active voice head. This paper proposes that, in both languages, the applicative head introducing the beneficiary/recipient (more generally, the affectee argument), comes with an extra case feature that can license case on the theme argument. In English, this non-canonical accusative case feature comes with the regular applicative head introducing the beneficiary argument. In contrast, in German, it comes with a defective applicative head which introduces the recipient but is unable to assign to it the inherent dative case that normally comes with the Affectee theta-role. The paper offers a unified analysis of English and German double object constructions and also of German <em>werden</em> (‘be’) and <em>kriegen/bekommen</em> (‘get’)-passives.</p> Vera Lee-Schoenfeld, Nicholas Twiner Copyright (c) 2020 Vera Lee-Schoenfeld, Nicholas Twiner Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 Remarks on prepositional object clauses in Germanic <p>This paper analyses the variation we find in the realization of finite clausal complements in the position of prepositional objects in a set of Germanic languages. The Germanic languages differ with respect to whether prepositions can directly select a clause (North Germanic) or not and instead need a prepositional proform (Continental West Germanic). Within the Continental West Germanic languages, we find further differences with respect to the constituent structures. We propose that German strong vs. weak prepositional proforms (e.g. drauf vs. darauf) differ with respect to their syntax, while this is not the case for the Dutch forms (ervan vs. daarvan). What the Germanic languages under consideration share is that the prepositional element can be covert, except in English. English shows only limited evidence for the presence of P with finite clauses in the position of prepositional objects generally, but only with a selected set of verbs. This investigation is a first step towards a broader study of the nature of clauses in prepositional object positions and the implications for the syntax of clausal complementation.</p> Lutz Gunkel, Jutta Hartmann Copyright (c) 2020 Lutz Gunkel, Jutta M. Hartmann Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 English relative clauses in a cross-Germanic perspective <p>The article talk examines the distribution of relativising strategies in English in a cross-Germanic perspective, arguing that English is quite unique among Germanic languages both regarding the number of available options and their distribution. The differences from other Germanic languages (both West Germanic and Scandinavian) are primarily due to the historical changes affecting the case and gender system in English more generally. The loss of case and gender on the original singular neuter relative pronoun facilitated its reanalysis as a complementiser. The effect of the case system can also be observed in properties that are not evidently related to case. Specifically, choice between the pronoun strategy and the complementiser strategy is known to show differences according to the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy. While English shows a subject vs. oblique distinction in this respect, matching its nominative/oblique case system, German dialects show a subject/direct object vs. oblique distinction, matching the nominative/accusative/oblique case setting in the language. The particular setting in English is thus not dependent on e.g. a single parameter but on various factors that are otherwise present in other Germanic languages as well, and it is ultimately the complex interplay of these factors that results in the particular setup.</p> Julia Bacskai-Atkari Copyright (c) 2020 Julia Bacskai-Atkari Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 COMP-trace effects in German: the role of processing <p>This article reports on the processing and comprehension of COMP-trace violations in German. The status of the COMP-trace effect in German is a controversial issue. It has been argued that judgments on long-distance (LD) subject questions are distorted because of parsing problems in the main clause, the embedded clause, or both, and that LD subject questions are sometimes misinterpreted as object questions. Our self-paced reading data shows that processing difficulties with LD subject questions occur in the embedded clause, not the main clause, particularly at the point at which an embedded subject gap is postulated. Our study furthermore shows that readers are garden-pathed towards object readings of subject long-distance questions, but only when the embedded clause contains a case-ambiguous DP. A case-ambiguous DP thus functions as a superficial work-around for a COMP-trace violation. As we argue, our data support the view that German has a genuine COMP-trace effect and that potential parsing problems only occur in the context of local ambiguities. We propose that differences in the magnitude and fatality of COMP-trace violations between languages can be explained by formulating the COMP-trace effect in terms of accessibility, rather than a categorical syntactic constraint.</p> Ankelien Schippers, Margreet Vogelzang, David Öwerdieck Copyright (c) 2020 Ankelien Schippers, Margreet Vogelzang, David Öwerdieck Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 Icelandic V3 orders with temporal adjuncts <p>Although Icelandic is a verb second language (V2), it sometimes allows for V3 orders. In this paper, I focus on a type of Icelandic V3 which consists of an adverbial adjunct occurring in front of <em>wh</em>-questions and present the results of a pilot study that investigated the effects of the length of prosodic break and clause type in relation to V3 structures. Participants were presented with an adverbial clause sandwiched between two sentences (A and B), of which the latter varied between a <em>wh-</em>question and a subject-initial sentence. The breaks between the adverbial and the sentences varied in length. The task was to judge which sentence (A or B) was longer, with the response reflecting which sentence the adverbial clause was parsed with. The results indicate that both the clause type of the B sentence and the length of the prosodic break between the adverbial and the B sentence had a significant effect on how the sentences were parsed.</p> Sigríður Sæunn Sigurðardóttir Copyright (c) 2020 Sigríður Sæunn Sigurðardóttir Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 Wenn {aber} der Topf {aber} nun ein Loch hat ... <p>While the literature on adversative <em>aber</em> in German to date has almost exclusively focused on independent&nbsp;clauses, and at best treated its occurrence in adverbial clauses in passing as a variant of postinitial <em>aber</em>&nbsp;in independent clauses (M´etrich and Courdier 1995, Pasch et al. 2003), the current paper focuses on&nbsp;the distribution and interpretation of adversative <em>aber</em> in adverbial clauses. It is shown that <em>aber</em> can&nbsp;have two different scopes, either contrasting two clauses, or two smaller contituents. These scopes are&nbsp;shown to have different prosodic correlates. It is argued that <em>aber</em> occupies the specifier of a functional&nbsp;projection in the upper middle field, and that it interacts with the mapping from syntax to prosody. Some&nbsp;displacements are argued to be interface-driven, to enable constituents to reach or avoid positions where&nbsp;they can be assigned a (contrastive) pitch accent. The diachronic development of adversative <em>aber</em> is&nbsp;shown to interact with the diachronic development of the Wackernagel position for unstressed pronouns.</p> Anne Breitbarth Copyright (c) 2020 Anne Breitbarth Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200 On the (non-)expletive uses of the preverbal negative ne/en in the history of (Low) German and Dutch <p>This article presents novel data from Middle High German, Middle Low German and Middle Dutch showing that two phenomena which often have been treated as one, namely the single former negative<br>marker ne/en appearing in adverbial and complement clauses, have to be treated as distinct phenomena. I argue that only in complement clauses, ne/en is a paratactic negation marker, while in adverbial clauses<br>it functions as an exceptive and adversative discourse marker. In these contexts, I refer to ne/en as post-cyclical Furthermore, I propose a scenario as to how the reanalysis from negation to exceptive marker<br>proceeded.<br><br></p> Elisabeth Witzenhausen Copyright (c) 2020 Elisabeth Witzenhausen Mon, 12 Oct 2020 00:00:00 +0200