An examination of the impact of the commercial use of muskox un-derwool upon Native Alaskan villagers

The Musk O x Producers' Co-operative was begun in 1969 under the «Musk O x Project*, a project aimed at domesticating muskoxen and harvesting their underwool («qiviut»), which would then be handknit into garments by Native Alaskan villagers. The aim of the co-op was to provide the cash income for the villagers without disturbing the villager lifestyle. It was reasoned that by using an Arctic animal to benefit an Arctic people, the villagers could gain income without losing their Native heritage and lifestyle. By examining the past and present status of the Co-operative we can evaluate the impact that it has had on the villagers compared to these original objectives.


Introduction
The Musk Ox Producers' Co-operative began as an offshoot to John J. Teal Jr.'s and INAR's (the Institute of Northern Agricultural Research) efforts to domesticate the muskox.
As Paul Wilkinson and Pamela Teal (longtime associates of the Musk Ox Project) point out, the domestication of the muskox «provoked complex and varied reactions* (1984), as does the corresponding Co-operative.The Coop's history is closely connected to the domestication project but is separate nevertheless, and needs to be considered separately.In many ways, the Co-op's evolution was one of experimentation and adaptation, so its present state does not lend itself to easy explanation.I would like to examine the original objectives of the Project set out by John J. Teal Jr. and the other founders, and compare those objectives with the Co-op's present state.Finally I will explore the actual impact that it has had on the Alaska villagers it set out to benefit.

Objectives of the Co-operative
The aims of the Co-operative are essentially the same as the aims of the original «Musk Ox Project*.Teal's reasons for domesticating muskoxen were «to improve the economic and social conditions of the native peoples of the Arctic*, and to do so using «an indigenous rather than exotic species of plants and animals* (Wilkinson, 1971).Teal stated it in economic terms: «What is sought is a converter, an animal which can convert northern grasses into ready employment and cash incomes* (1975; as in Wilkinson and Teal, 1984).The concept of the Co-operative was the true motive behind the entire muskox domestication project: «whilst animals are the apparent focal point of our attention, it is people with whom we are concerned* (Teal, no date; as in Wilkinson and Teal, 1984).Teal figured that by domesticating the muskox, Native Alaskans could benefit in two ways: 1) villages would have individual herds of muskoxen and reap the benefits of herding, and 2) the muskox qiviut could be harvested and used to support a cottage knitting industry, where trained Eskimo knitters could produce garments for sale to the public.As of yet, the goal of individual herds in the villages is unrealized.Whether this is feasible is something that must be discussed elsewhere, as the domestication part of the project has faced very different problems than the Co-operative and so has developed differently (see Wilkinson and Teal, 1984 for a clear explanation of the domestications project's history and difficulties up to that time).

History and present status of the Co-operative
The Co-op was officially begun in 1969, with the assistance of Teal and INAR, as an organization to oversee the design, production, marketing and sale of garments made of qiviut collected from the domesticated muskox herd.There were many factors that lead Teal and the others to choose a cottage knitting industry over the other possible alternatives.Teal insisted on using the muskoxen as a renewable resource for their qiviut rather than for their meat, so the herd could be continually enlarged and the animals would be useful throughout their lives.Earlier tests on qiviut had suggested that it was better suited for knitting than for weaving (Atkinson, 1922), and later tests confirmed this opinion (Schell, 1972).Knitting was a skill that many Eskimo women already knew, having been taught by missionaries.Knitting does not require a lot of expensive equipment such as looms, so that knitters would not need a large monetary investment to begin (a deterrent which would keep most from even joining the Co-op).«Another reason for concentrating on knitting rather than weaving is the cost of looms and the expense of freight to bring them into scattered Eskimo villages.There is no background of weaving in most of Alaska, so training would also have to be extensive* (Griffiths, 1971).Knitting is portable, so that it can be taken back and forth from the summer fishcamp to the winter village.Finally, it was reasoned that knitting would «fit» well into the Eskimo life-style, an important aspect of Teal's philosophy: The Co-op's purpose is: to provide a cash economy dovetailed into the established life pattern.Handwork is not new to the Eskimos but it has mostly been for their own use, seldom for sale.Knitting is something that can be picked up whenever there is time to work on it, and it fits into the Eskimo workday.In the arctic the day is half a year long and the night is the other half, so work depends more on the seasons and on the movements of animals than it does on the hour.(Griffiths, 1971).
Knitters were not required to fill any quotas but could knit as much or as little as they chose, so knitting could be worked around whatever was going on in their lives.Knitter's individual earnings have ranged anywhere from $9 to more than $4000 in one year.
Teal also wanted the knitters to have a say in how the business operated and share in its profits; hence it became a «co-operative».To be members, knitters pay dues of $2 a year.If profits are high enough, the Co-op pays each one a dividend calculated on the amount of knitting they have done.This has happened in the past, but profits are not high enough to make it a regular occurrence.In addition, several knitters serve on the Co-op's board of directors.
The Co-op knitters are of all ages; currently they age from 11 to 81, with an average age of 37.5.99 % are women (2 are men), and 98 % are Alaskan Natives (Caucasians who live in Native villages are allowed to be become mem-bers).Most of the knitters are related to other Co-op knitters.In fact, the most common way for the Co-op to gain new members is through relatives and friends.For some, knitting is their only income.The Co-op provides a secure market for a knitter's work, unlike basket making or other handicrafts, in which the market can be seasonal and unpredictable.Ideally, the Coop offers a small but sure income for hard times.
The actual beginnings of the Co-op were modest: in December 1968, Ann Schell, a textile specialist, visited the Alaskan Eskimo village of Mekoryuk and held knitting workshops in order to gather interest to start the new knitting industry.The interest was limited, with only 25 women attending the workshops.During the first year, the Co-op's production was small: in 1969 there were 27 active knitters, and they produced a total of 291 items (an average of roughly 11 items per knitter).The knitters were paid a set price for each item, and yarn was given out as needed.As production slowly got underway, the garments were marketed.This was an involved process.There was a lot of interest in qiviut around the world, and many people had ambitious plans for how qiviut would fit into the marketplace.A paragraph by Teal from the Musk Ox Project's Third Annual Report illustrates the optimism: During the past several years, most of the major textile firms in the world have written to the Project asking that they be considered as the company which will handle the raw muskox qiviut.In addition, several of the largest retail stores in the United States have asked that they be allowed to handle the products made by Eskimo women (;) for example Brooks Brothers of New York City has recently stated that, if the Eskimo women can be taught to knit and weave cloth for suiting according to their specifications, they will purchase the entire output for many years to come.Thus the market for their labors and such industry as may be established is assured (1967).
In the early years of the Co-op, stores such as Nieman-Marcus featured qiviut scarves and placed orders for them.Unfortunately, marketing in such as places was difficult, as the orders were often too large for the small Co-operative to handle.Large stores required special sizes and particular colors within a short period of time.As a small producer of handmade goods, the Co-op found it impossible to fill the orders exactly with its small stock and delayed production.However, sales of qiviut items to private customers stepped up and eventually filled the niche.
Today, the bulk of the Co-op's customers are individual buyers, although the Co-op still sells a certain number of items at wholesale to a number of smaller stores.In fact, the numbers of items sold at wholesale has had to be scaled down in recent years to accomodate the growing sales in the shop (Fig. 1).In retrospect, perhaps it was overly ambitious to think that handknit qiviut garments could easily step into the fast and fickle world of fashion.Instead, the qiviut garments have found their own particluar market, one that can accept their peculiarities and appreciate their very special qualities.
The Co-op was headquartered in Fairbanks until September 1977, when it was moved to the small building in downtown Anchorage where it remains today.This building houses the Co-op office as well as the gift shop where qiviut items are sold.From there, all the qiviut yarn is weighed, checked out and mailed to the knitters, and all the knitting is weighed, checked in, washed, blocked and packaged, before being sold.The knitters are paid immediately for each item.The Anchorage office/shop provides a form of «quality control* and uniformity for the knitting before it goes to the public, to ensure that every item is as perfect as possible.Originally the plan was to have some of the washing and blocking done in knitter's homes in the villages, but it proved easier to have it all done in one place.Initially it was hoped that it would be possible to form individual cooperative in various villages, so the co-ops could be closer to the knitters and be entirely Native-run.There would be definite advantages to having headquarters in one form or another in the villages, especially for holding knitting workshops and helping individual knitters, but at the moment expansions on such as scale would not be feasible.
The office also manages the sale and marketing of the qiviut garments.In general the supply of garments meets the demand.Most of the sales are to tourists in Alaska, many of whom have heard of qiviut before.Qiviut is known for its special qualitites: because it is so light, soft and warm, it is often said to be better than cashmere; because the items are hahdknit by Alaskan Natives and come from a rather exotic Arctic animal, they have a particular appeal for consumers looking for more than mass-produced souvenirs.There is no question that there is a market for high-quality qiviut garments.Since 1986, the Co-op has also run a small gift shop at the Musk Ox Farm in Palmer, Alaska.However, the Co-op was created not to make great sweeping changes in the Native culture (thereby creating new problems), but to help with problems within the traditional mode of life.The greatest problem was created by the introduction of white culture: a need for cashfor ammunition, gasoline, clothing, even foodwithout the means of obtaining it.What is needed is a non-intrusive source of cash.Teal was emphatic on this point: Whilst the qiviut industry will not provide an income sufficiently large to support more than a few families on a year-round basis, it will provide sufficient income for the late-winter crisis period for all families in which there are girls and women willing and able to learn to knit, (no date; as in Wilkinson and Teal, 1984).
While people might be tempted to criticize the Co-op's methods for not taking a large enough step, in actuality a small effect was Teal's intention: It is not supposed that the introduction of the domesticated muskox industry will, in itself, serve as an attraction or inducement for skilled young people to stay in or return to their villages.However, insofar as it increases the resource base for the villages it will assist in making possible those developments and opportunities which will enable the villagers to fulfill their often expressed wish to «move into the 21st Century in terms of our own culture*.This wish combines skill and modern outlook with love of place.(1975; as in Wilkinson and Teal, 1984).
By providing some extra income when it is needed, his hope was that people would then have the choice of staying in their village homes and maintaining a more traditional way of life, rather than being forced by economic necessity to leave the village and way of life.

Conclusions
It we look at Teal's original goals for the Coop and where the Co-op is today, we can see that it has indeed succeeded, at least to a certain extent.His original aims combined dreamswhich sometimes seemed impossibly hugewith a modest scale.He dreamed of a new industry* of knitting and animals, but it was an industry that would provide a little necessary money rather than be a full-scale economic boom.If we look at the amount of money that the Co-op has injected into the village economy compared to the average per capita income, we can get a sense of the slight but definite impact that the additional money has had on the knitters.According the the 1980 census, Mekoryuk had a per capita income of $3,324 in 1979.During that year, the Co-op paid the 53 Mekoryuk knitters $19,531, or an average of $368 each, approximately 11 % of the per capita income.In smaller villages the impact would be even greater.
The success of the Co-op can be judged in part by the fact that most knitters who join it stay in it.The average length of time that knitters have belonged is more than 10 years.Incredibly, 24 of the original 25 knitters still belong, and 37 knitters have been members for more than 20 years.«Many of the original knitters are still working for the cooperative, which is the best proof that knitting qiviut is indeed filling a need in Eskimo society and, more important, is filling it in a way that is culturally as well as economically satisfying!* (Wilkinson and Teal, 1984).
In trying to improve the economics of Native villages, one is walking a thin line: improve too much and the culture may be destroyed.On the flip side, the Co-operative may be not helping enough: knitting is hardly something that will someday allow a young Native Alaskan to get a job working with computers.Is a purposefully labor-intensive cottage industry really the way to improve people's chances for a better future?Not for everyone.The Musk Ox Producers' Co-operative, however, provides a way for many villagers to continue living in the way that they prefer, and makes it a little easier to survive.
Teal was a dreamer, yet in looking at the present state of the Co-op, it has apparently maintained his original aims and essentially has succeeded in doing what he intended it should do.In purely economic terms, the Co-op paid a total of $91,882.75 to its Alaskan Native Knitters in 1990, money that is definitely needed in the Alaskan bush.The Co-op itself is a relatively successful business, run independent of any aid (the business took in $402,556.68from sales in 1990 and employes 4 to 7 people full-time), and qiviut garments have achieved a reputation (even worldwide) as a specialty item of high value and quality.

Fig. 2 .
Fig. 2. Annual active membership.Active knitters are those who paid clues and knitted during the year.4500