Some notes on temporal adverbials in Old Russian : the case of лѣто ‘ year ’ in Suzdal ’ skaja letopis ’

Contemporary Standard Russian has temporal adverbials of the type в этом году ‘this year’ and в прошлом году ‘last year’, where the preposition в ‘in’ combines with the noun год ‘year’ in the locative case. How has this construction developed over time? What was the situation in Old Russian? In this article, I explore data from the medieval Suzdal’skaja letopis’ and compare these data with data from Ipat’evskaja letopis’. I show that the въ + locative construction for ‘year’ was marginal in Old Russian, and demonstrate that three other constructions were used instead: въ + accusative, the bare genitive and the bare locative. These constructions show different distributions in different chronicles; I show that the bare genitive is particularly frequent in the Suzdal’skaja letopis’. After a short discussion of the situation in Contemporary Standard Russian in section 1, the data from Suzdal’skaja letopis’ are presented in section 2 and compared to data from Ipat’evskaja letopis’ in section 3. Conclusions are provided in section 4.


The situation in Contemporary Standard Russian
As mentioned, in Contemporary Standard Russian the normal way to express that something happened in a given year, is to use в 'in' followed by год 'year' in the locative: 1 (1) В 2002 году был выпущен браузер Mozilla 1.0.'In 2002 the browser Mozilla 1.0 was launched.'(Computerworld 2004) However, the в + locative construction competes with в + accusative.If год occurs in the plural, the accusative is normally used: (2) В те годы в доме жила сестра Павлова.
'This poem was also written the year his mother died.' (Iskander 1998) There are further complicating factors described in detail in Nesset 2004 and Makarova and Nesset 2013, but for present purposes the following simplified rules are sufficiently precise: (4) Temporal adverbials with год 'year': a. Plural à в + accusative b.Genitive NP à в + accusative c.Elsewhere à в + locative These rules show that for год, в + locative is the default construction that is used whenever the specific conditions that favor в + accusative are not met.The question now arises as to what the situation was in Old Russian.
In the following section, we will see that data from Suzdal'skaja letopis' suggest that the rules have undergone radical changes since Old Russian.

The situation in Suzdal'skaja letopis'
In On the basis of the data in Table 1 and Figure 1, the following conclusions can be drawn.First of all, unlike in modern Russian the въ + locative construction is marginal in Suzdal'skaja letopis', since it is attested in only 2% of the examples.Second, the bare genitive is characteristic of Suzdal'skaja letopis', insofar as 66% of the examples display this construction.The question now arises as to whether these conclusions are valid for Old Russian in general.In the following section, we shall see that the marginality of the въ + locative construction is confirmed by data from Ipat'evskaja letopis', whereas the situation for the bare genitive is more complex.
However, before we leave Suzdal'skaja letopis', an additional comment on the въ + locative is in order.As shown in

3.
Comparison with Ipat'evskaja letopis' Nesset (2013) has investigated temporal adverbials in Ipat'evskaja letopis', which is available electronically as part of the Regensburg Russian Diachronic Corpus. 2 Ipat'evskaja letopis' contains Povest' vremennyx let, as well as a continuation describing the years 1118-1292.This continuation can be divided into the so-called Kievskaja letopis' (1118-1200) and the Galicko-Volynskaja letopis' (1201-1292), but for the purposes of the present article, I will not investigate the differences between these two subparts.Two observations can be made on the basis of Table 3 and Figure 2. First, the въ + locative construction is marginal in all three sources, thus suggesting that this construction enjoyed a marginal status in Old Russian in general.Therefore, the change whereby the въ + locative construction became the main construction for temporal adverbials with 'year' most likely happened in the Middle Russian period.
The second observation regards the other constructions.Table 3 and Figure 2 show that in Suzdal'skaja letopis' the bare genitive is the most frequent construction, while въ + accusative dominates in Povest' vremennyx let, and the bare locative has the highest frequency in Kievskaja/Galicko-Volynskaja letopis'.This indicates that there was extensive variation in temporal adverbials with 'year' in Old Russian.However, the data do not tell us whether this variation was due to language change in progress, dialectal variation and/or the linguistic habits of individual authors.

Conclusion
In this article I have presented an analysis of temporal adverbials with лѣто 'year' in Suzdal'skaja letopis', and carried out a comparison with data from Ipat'evskaja letopis' (Povest' vremennyx let and Kievskaja and Galicko-Volynskaja letopis').I have shown that the main construction for 'year' in Contemporary Standard Russian, въ + locative, was marginal in Old Russian.Instead, three construction competed in Old Russian: въ + accusative, bare genitive and bare locative.In order to gain a better understanding of this variation further research is needed.

Table 1 and
, which describes all the events that year.Since in this construction the year is mentioned for the first time, I will refer to it as "new information".While for "new information" the accusative is the only option, four constructions compete if the year has been mentioned previously, i.e. what we may call "given information".First of all, we find the въ + accusative construction: Figure1provide an overview of the distribution of the four constructions.Notice that the table and figure only concern the given information type; for new information only въ + accusative is attested, so an overview in tabular form is superfluous.

Table 1 ,
this construction is attested in six examples.Table2compares five of these The fact that the въ + locative examples are not evenly distributed across the chronicle suggests that may be due to scribal error or some other idiosyncratic property of the text.Second, the table shows that only two out of five examples have въ + locative in all three versions of the chronicle.Notice that the example on page 291, line 5 has въ + accusative in the 1997 edition of Lavrent'evskaja letopis', so it remains unclear why the electronic version displays the locative.The sixth locative example, which is not in Table2, has въ тѣлѣ 'in the body' instead of въ лѣтѣ in Radzivilovskij spisok and Akademičeskij spisok, so here it is likely that въ лѣтѣ is due to scribal error.In summary, since there are only two indisputable examples with въ + locative, we can safely conclude that this construction is even more marginal than the numbers in Table1might suggest.въ + A