North Saami –ráigge – noun, adverb, postposition or case?

Abstract

The article discusses the morphology, syntax and semantics of the previously under- described denominal formations in –ráigge in present-day North Saami. As the topic has been mostly described in occasional dictionary entries but largely ignored in grammatical descriptions, the present article provides an empirical grammatical description of the formations such as uksaráigge ‘through the door’ and bálggesráigge ‘along the path’. In contrast to earlier descriptions that vaguely label these formations as compound nouns or adverbs, detailed morphological, syntactic and semantic analysis suggests that the suffix –ráigge – originating in the genitive-accusative form of the noun ráigi ‘hole, opening’ – has many case-like features that make it look like a modern equivalent of the so-called prolative (‘along, through’) case reconstructed in Proto-Saami. Most importantly, the internal morphosyntax of –ráigge phrases is largely identical to that of ordinary noun phrases headed by nouns in other cases. Sentences like Mon ledjen boahtime Álaheajus siidii dan min boares jođáhatráigge [1sg be.pst.1sg come.prog Álaheadju.loc camp.ill it.genacc 1pl.genacc old reindeer.track.prol] ‘I was returning back home from Álaheadju along the old reindeer track of ours’ dating back to the 19th century suggest that the phenomenon in question has remained largely unchanged for quite some time.