Head raising analysis and case revaluation

Ager Gondra

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.7557/


Syntax; Minimalism; Basque; relative clause; Agree; case


This paper shows that Basque relative clause construction follows the Head Raising Analysis: the CP of the relative clause is a complement to the external D and the Head of the relative clause, base-generated inside the TP, moves to the specifier position of the CP. This analysis predicts that the raised DPwill show a TP-internal Case. However, this is not the case, and the DP manifests the Case associated with the main clause. In order to address these Case inconsistencies, Precariousness Condition is proposed. This condition states that a DCase valued u-feature is precarious until it is sent to Spell-Out and therefore, the value is visible for further targeting by a c-commanding Probe.  Evidence for this multiple Agree operation comes from a DP long distance extraction.


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