Scalar properties of negative polarity superlatives

Authors

  • Ulises Delgado UCM

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.7557/1.9.1.5358

Keywords:

superlatives, polarity, scalar implicatures, entailment, minimizers

Abstract

Most theories agree that polarity sensitivity must be related to scalarity one way or another. Superlatives are a good example of this, since their “endpoint nature” allows for them to be in negative contexts with a quantitative interpretation. In this paper, I follow Fauconnier’s (1975a) work in distinguishing two different types of polarity-sensitive superlatives and I show how they manifest in Spanish. I argue that in this language the distinction is formally marked, what allows us to reach different conclusions from those of Fauconnier. On this line, I will defend that both types of polarity-sensitive superlatives have scalar properties of a very different nature. Thus, while for one the quantitative reading is pragmatically-driven, for the other it is semantically-driven.

References

BOSQUE, I. (1980). Sobre la negación. Madrid: Cátedra.

BOSQUE, I. (1996). On specificity and adjective position, in J. Gutiérrez & L. Silva (eds.), Perspectives on Spanish linguistics, vol. 1, Department of Linguistics, UCLA, pp. 1-14.

BOSQUE, I. (2001). Adjective position and the interpretation of indefinites, in J. Gutié-rrez-Rexach & L. Silva (eds.), Current issues in Spanish syntax and semantics, Mouton-De Gruyter, pp. 17-38.

BRESNAN, J. (1973). Syntax of the comparative clause construction in English. Linguistic inquiry 4(3), pp. 275-344.

BOSQUE, I. & C. PICALLO (1996). Postnominal adjectives in Spanish DPs. Journal of Linguis¬tics 32(2), pp. 349-385.

CHIERCHIA, G. (2004). Scalar implicatures, polarity phenomena, and the Syntax/Pragmatics interface, in A. Belleti (ed.), Structures and beyond. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 39-103.

CHIERCHIA, G. (2006). Broaden your views: implicatures of domain widening and the “logicality” of language. Linguistic inquiry 37, pp. 535-590.

CHIERCHIA, G. (2013). Logic in grammar. Polarity, free choice, and intervention. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

CINQUE, G. (2010). The syntax of adjectives. Cambridge: MIT Press.

COPPOCK, E., & D. BEAVER (2014). A superlative argument for a minimal theory of definiteness. Proceedings of SALT 24, pp. 177-196.

COPPOCK, E., & D. BEAVER (2015). Definiteness and determinacy. Linguistics and philosophy 38, pp. 377-435.

COPPOCK, E., & L. STRAND (2019). Most vs. the most in languages where the more means most, in A. Aguilar-Guevara, J. Pozas Loyo & V. Vázquez-Rojas Maldonado (eds.), Definiteness across languages. Berlin: Language Science Press, pp. 371-417.

FÁBREGAS, A. (2017). The syntax and semantics of nominal modifiers in Spanish: interpretation, types and ordering facts. Borealis: an international journal of Hispanic linguistics 6(2), pp. 1-102.

FARKAS, D., & K. É. KISS (2000). On the comparative and absolute readings of superlatives. Natural language and linguistic theory 18, pp. 417-455.

FAUCONNIER, G. (1975a). Pragmatic scales and logic structure. Linguistic Inquiry 6(3), pp. 353-375.

FAUCONNIER, G. (1975b). Polarity and the scale principle. Proceedings of the Chicago Linguistics Society 11, pp. 188-199.

GEURTS, B. (2010). Quantity implicatures. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

GIANNAKIDOU, A. (1998). Polarity sensitivity as (non)veridical dependency, Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing.

GIANNAKIDOU, A. (2002). Licensing and sensitivity in polarity items: from downward entailment to (non)veridicality. Ms., University of Chicago. Available at http://home.uchicago.edu/~giannaki/pubs/cls.giannakidou.pdf

GIANNAKIDOU, A. (2007). The landscape of EVEN. Natural language and linguistic theory 25, pp. 39-81.

GIANNAKIDOU, A. (2011). Negative and positive polarity items, in K. von Heusinger, C. Maienborn & P. Portner (eds.), Semantics: an international handbook of natural language meaning. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, pp. 1660-1712.

GONZÁLEZ RODRÍGUEZ, R. (2008). La polaridad positiva en español. PhD dissertation, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.

GUTIÉRREZ-REXACH, J. (2006). Superlatives quantifiers and the dynamics of context dependence, in K. von Heusinger & K. Turner (eds.), Where semantics meets pragmatics. Amsterdam: Elsevier, pp. 237-266.

GUTIÉRREZ-REXACH, J. (2010). Characterizing superlative quantifiers, in P. Cabredo Hofherr & O. Matushansky (eds.), Adjectives: formal analyses in syntax and semantics. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing, pp. 187-231.

HACKL, M. (2009). On the grammar and processing of proportional quantifiers: most versus more than half. Natural language semantics 17, pp. 63-98.

HEIM, I. (1999). Notes on superlatives. Ms., MIT. Available at http://www.sfs.uni-tuebingen.de/~astechow/Lehre/SS08/Superlative.pdf

HERBURGER, E. (2003). A note on Spanish ni siquiera, even, and the analysis of NPIs. Probus 15, pp. 237-256.

HOEKSEMA, J. & H. RULLMANN (2001). Scalarity and polarity: a study of scalar adverbs as polarity items, in J. Hoeksema, H. Rullmann, V. Sánchez-Valencia & T. van der Wouden (eds.), Perspectives on negation and polarity items. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins, pp. 129-171.

HORN, L. (1972). On the semantic properties of logical operators in English. PhD dissertation, University of California.

HORN, L. (1989). A natural history of negation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

ISRAEL, M. (1996). Polarity sensitivity as lexical semantics. Linguistics and philosophy 19, pp. 619-666.

ISRAEL, M. (2001). Minimizers, maximizers, and the rhetoric of Scalar Reasoning. Journal of semantics 18(4), pp. 297-331.

ISRAEL, M. (2011). The grammar of polarity: pragmatics, sensitivity and the logic of scales. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

KADMON, N., & F. LANDMAN (1993). Any. Linguistics and philosophy 16, pp. 353-422.

KRASIKOVA, S (2012). Definiteness in superlatives. Amsterdam Colloquium 2011, pp. 411-420.

LADUSAW, W. (1979). Polarity sensitivity as inherent scope relation. PhD dissertation, University of Texas.

LAHIRI, U. (1998). Focus and negative polarity in Hindi. Natural language semantics 6, pp. 57-123.

MILSARK, G. (1977). Toward an explanation of certain peculiarities of the existential construction in English, in J. Gutiérrez-Rexach (ed.), Semantics: critical concepts in linguistics, vol. III. London and New York: Routledge, 2003, pp. 40-65.

PARTEE, B. (1986). The airport squib: any, almost, and superlatives, in B. Partee (ed.), Compositionality in formal semantics. Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing, 2003, pp. 231-240.

RAE-ASALE (2009). Nueva gramática de la lengua española, vol. II. Madrid: Espasa.

ROOTH, M. (1985). Association with focus. PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts.

SÁNCHEZ LÓPEZ, C. (1999). La negación, in I. Bosque & V. Demonte (dirs.), Gramática descriptiva de la lengua española. Madrid: Espasa, pp. 2561-2634.

SOLT, S. (2011). How many most’s? Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 15, pp. 1-15.

SZABOLCSI, A. (1986). Comparative superlatives. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 8, pp. 245-266.

SZABOLCSI, A. (2012). Compositionality without word boundaries: (the) more and (the) most. Proceedings of SALT 22, pp. 1-25.

VAN DER WOUDEN, T. (1997). Negative contexts: collocation, polarity and multiple negation. London and New York: Routledge.

WILSON, E. C. (2018). Amount superlatives and measure phrases. PhD dissertation, The City University of New York.

ZWARTS, F. (1995). Nonveridical contexts. Linguistic analysis 25, pp. 286-312.

ZWARTS, F. (1996). A hierarchy of negative expressions, in H. Wansing (ed.), Negation: a notion in focus. Berlin: De Gruyter, pp. 169-194.

ZWARTS, F. (1998). Three types of polarity, in F. Hamm y E. Hinrichs (eds.), Plurality and quantification. Dordrecht: Kluwer, pp. 177-238.

Downloads

Published

2020-05-04

How to Cite

Delgado, U. (2020). Scalar properties of negative polarity superlatives. Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics, 9(1), 1–33. https://doi.org/10.7557/1.9.1.5358