Unveiling Topic-Remnant Elided Polar Questions: A new elliptical construction in Spanish and its consequences for the Identity Condition.

Laura Stigliano

doi:10.7557/1.12.2.7237

Authors

Laura Stigliano The Ohio State University

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.7557/1.12.2.7237

Keywords:

Spanish, Ellipsis, TP-Ellipsis, Identity

Abstract

This paper offers an in-depth analysis of a novel elliptical construction Spanish, dubbed Topic-Remnant Elided Polar Questions (or polar TREQs in short). A detailed examination of polar TREQs will provide evidence for the claim that (a) they are a type of TP-Ellipsis, triggered by the presence of an [E]-feature on C, and (b) the remnant is a topicalized XP that undergoes movement out of the ellipsis site. Furthermore, the analysis of polar TREQs in various contexts (in particular, with respect to so-called connectivity effects) confirms the need of syntactic identity between the linguistic antecedent and the ellipsis site to license ellipsis here. Additionally, this study sheds light on the syntactic structure underlying these constructions, particularly the presence of an intermediate TopP position within the embedded clause. Moreover, an examination of the patterns related to the presence or absence of an overt complementizer in this elliptical construction provides empirical support for Merchant's (2001) Sluicing-COMP Generalization. In summary, this paper not only provides a comprehensive account of the syntactic intricacies of a new elliptical construction in Spanish, but also provides valuable insights into the broader landscape of ellipsis phenomena in this language.

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