Case Movement in PPs

Abstract

In this paper, I outline the Peeling theory of Case (Starke 2005) and apply it to Case phenomena in adpositional phrases. The Peeling theory says that DPs are base generated with a number of Case related functional projections on top of them, and when they move to the left, they strand some of these projections in situ. To test this theory and the specific predictions it makes, I look at phenomena where a single adposition allows its complement to surface in various Cases and phenomena where a single adposition allows for its complement to either precede or follow. In each case that we will look at, we will be interested in what semantic factors govern such alternations and in what way the DP helps bring about the contrast.