A Question of Case

Abstract

In this paper I investigate a seemingly optional variation between accusative and partitive case in Finnish in yes/no questions and certain kinds of negative contexts. I discuss two possible approaches: (i) the focus/background approach, which argues that the presence or absence of a focus/background partition guides the case alternation, and (ii) the negative polarity item (NPI) approach, which argues that the ‘optional’ partitive case is NPI-like. This second approach is built on the observation that contexts in which the alternation is licensed are also contexts which license NPI ‘anyone’ in Finnish. In addition, in the second part of the paper, I discuss how these hypotheses fit in with the semantic consequences of accusative and partitive case interacting with two types of disjunction in yes/no and alternative questions.